PHI2394Written with Claude|AI can make mistakes
PHI 2394 B00 · reading for Monday 14 September

The Scientific Method, and the Argument About It

Nine texts written across 2,400 years, all disagreeing about the same thing. Written so that someone who never opens the PDF still understands every argument in it.

read properly skim for the one idea last, if time endnotes, skip Widths are true to page count. Page 1 is the book's title page.
98pages in the PDF
22are endnotes and reference lists
75pages of actual text
9separate texts, nine authors

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The argument overallall nine
Platoch. 1
Schadewaldtch. 3
Baconch. 4
Comtech. 6
Rousseauch. 7
The Vienna Circlech. 9
Lynn Whitech. 44
Dennettch. 49
Foucaultch. 54
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What the argument actually is

All nine authors answer the same three questions, and they disagree about all three.

"But isn't knowledge simply true?"

The objection goes: we observe, we measure, we write it down, and once we trust the instrument and the observer, the fact is the fact from every angle. Nobody made it. They found it.

That position has a name, empiricism, and three of the nine authors defend a version of it: Bacon, Comte and the Vienna Circle. So the objection has already taken a side in the fight. There are three places where it runs into trouble.

Pressure point one, somebody chose what to measure

A measurement is an answer, and answers need a question first. In the 1830s and 40s the American physician Samuel Morton filled hundreds of human skulls with seed and then lead shot to measure their internal volume, sorted the results by race, and published a ranking. The measuring was careful. The decision to sort skulls by race at all, and to treat volume as a proxy for intelligence, came from a theory he held before he picked up the first skull. Nobody was measuring forearms.

A lithographed human skull in three-quarter profile on a foxed book page, with faint dotted measuring lines below the jaw, the running head Morton’s Crania Americana at the top left, Pl. 41 at the top right, and the word OSAGE lettered in capitals beneath the drawing.
Plate 41 of Samuel Morton’s Crania Americana, 1839, lithographed by John Collins of Philadelphia. Every skull in the book was drawn with its nation lettered underneath and its number in the series of seventy-eight printed in the corner. The category was fixed before Morton poured mustard seed or lead shot into the braincase to measure its capacity. Public domain, via Wikimedia Commons.

The end of the story matters too. Stephen Jay Gould re-examined Morton's work in The Mismeasure of Man (1981) and argued the numbers had been unconsciously fudged. Researchers who re-measured the skulls in 2011 concluded Morton's figures were mostly accurate and Gould had been unfair to him. The conclusion is still garbage. Accurate measurements, worthless knowledge.

Pressure point two, data does not interpret itself

Between "here is a number" and "therefore this is what people are like" there is a gap, and what fills the gap is not in the numbers. Two researchers with identical figures can reach opposite conclusions. Most of the damage in the history of science happens in that gap.

Pressure point three, who counts as an observer

"Once we trust the people who measured it" is carrying the whole weight. Who is a trustworthy observer, and who is only a source of symptoms?

For most of the history of Western medicine, a woman describing her own pain, anger, exhaustion or refusal was not treated as a witness reporting on her situation. Her report was reclassified as a symptom of her condition. Her testimony never entered as data at all. Hysteria stayed a formal diagnosis in the American psychiatric manual until 1980.

Then the uncomfortable part, and the reason this is a philosophy course and not a list of past stupidities: the lobotomy won the Nobel Prize in Medicine in 1949. The medical establishment held the credentials, the publications, the peer approval and the highest prize in the field, and it believed it was doing rigorous science. The full story is in the box below, because the details are the argument.

So calling all of that belief gets the verdict right. At the time it was backed by everything that then counted as backing. Which leaves the question the whole course is built on: how would you tell, from the inside, which parts of today's science are the lobotomy? That is Kuhn, in Week 3.

None of this is the claim that nothing is true, or that gravity is a social construct. Nobody in the packet says that. The claim is narrower and harder to shake off. The method is not one fixed thing that was discovered once and then applied. What gets asked, what counts as evidence, who counts as a witness, and when a question is treated as settled have all changed repeatedly, and can change again. The proof is that these nine authors, all trying to describe knowledge properly, flatly contradict each other.

The lobotomy in fullbecause "how did that happen" is the whole question
What was available before 1935, and why anyone tried it

There were no antipsychotic drugs until chlorpromazine in 1952. Asylums held enormous numbers of people with schizophrenia, severe depression and chronic agitation, and nothing touched any of it. The two treatments of the moment were both attempts to shock the brain out of its pattern.

Insulin coma therapy, from 1927. Manfred Sakel had been giving small doses of insulin to morphine addicts to settle withdrawal and improve appetite, and accidentally overdosed a patient into a hypoglycaemic coma. On waking, the patient seemed better. Sakel generalised it to schizophrenia: overdose the patient, hold them in coma for hours, revive them with glucose, and repeat the whole thing twenty to sixty times over weeks. Nobody had a mechanism. The explanations offered were vague talk of resting overactive nerve cells, or of weakening the diseased cells while sparing healthy ones.

Why it looked like it worked is the interesting part, and it took until the 1950s to establish. Early enthusiasts reported recovery rates as high as 80 per cent. Three things produced that number:

  1. Schizophrenia sometimes remits on its own.
  2. The units selected patients with better prospects to begin with.
  3. Insulin coma wards were specialised and heavily staffed, so patients got weeks of constant attention, close observation and careful feeding, which was nothing like an ordinary asylum ward.

In 1953 Harold Bourne published "The Insulin Myth" in The Lancet making exactly that case. A controlled trial in 1957 compared insulin coma with simply rendering patients unconscious using barbiturates and found no difference between them. It was abandoned. Around one patient in a hundred died.

Convulsive therapy, from 1934, rested on a false observation: that epilepsy and schizophrenia rarely occurred in the same person, and might therefore be biologically opposed. Ladislas Meduna reasoned that inducing seizures might drive out the schizophrenia, and used camphor and then the drug metrazol. Patients dreaded it, because the drug produced overwhelming terror before the seizure, and the convulsions were violent enough to break bones. Electricity replaced the drugs in 1938 because it was faster and easier to control. That version, ECT, is the one treatment of the three that genuinely works, for severe depression and catatonia, and it is still used today with anaesthetic and muscle relaxants.

Moniz's actual reasoning

António Egas Moniz was a Portuguese neurologist with a serious record: he invented cerebral angiography, the technique for imaging blood vessels in a living brain, in 1927.

The usual account of the trigger is a neurology congress in London in 1935, where two researchers presented work on chimpanzees whose frontal lobes had been removed. One of them, a chimp named Becky, had previously thrown tantrums of frustration whenever she got a task wrong. After the operation she went on failing the task and stopped minding. Moniz asked from the floor whether the same procedure might relieve anxiety in humans.

His theory was about stuck circuits. He thought mental illness consisted of fixed, morbid patterns of thought that had become physically stabilised in the connections running between the frontal lobes and the rest of the brain. On that picture, the ideas were locked into a circuit, and severing the circuit would break the pattern and let the patient's mind reorganise itself. He named the operation leucotomy, from the Greek for white, because white matter is the connecting fibre. He did not perform it himself, because of gout in his hands; a surgeon named Almeida Lima operated. Of the first twenty patients Moniz reported seven cured, seven improved and six unchanged, with some follow-up periods of only a few days.

What Freeman changed, and did it ever help anyone

Walter Freeman, an American neurologist, brought Moniz's operation to the United States with a neurosurgeon, James Watts. Around 1945 Freeman developed a faster version, going in through the eye socket above the eyeball with a thin instrument, which needed no drilling, no operating theatre and no surgeon. He was not licensed to give anaesthetic, so he knocked patients unconscious with an electric shock first. That version took about ten minutes and could be done in a clinic. He performed roughly 3,500. Tens of thousands were done across the country.

Black and white photograph of two slender surgical instruments on a pale background, each a plain wooden handle joined by a metal collar to a long steel shaft that tapers to a needle point.
Two lobotomy instruments from a set inscribed by Walter Freeman, photographed around 1950. The shaft went under a patient’s upper eyelid and through the thin bone at the top of the eye socket, driven by a mallet, and the ten minutes of practised skill that followed rested on an account of the mind that was false. Wellcome Collection, CC BY 4.0, via Wikimedia Commons.

Did it help anyone? Some people, in a narrow sense. Follow-ups of the period reported roughly a third improved, a third unchanged and a third worse, with no control groups, no blinding and no agreed measure of improvement. Some patients with severe chronic agitation or crippling obsessive states did become calmer, and some went home from institutions they would otherwise never have left. That was real for those people.

The costs were frequently not counted as costs: apathy, loss of initiative and planning, flattened emotion, disinhibition, sometimes seizures or incontinence. A few per cent died. Improvement was scored by whether the patient became manageable on the ward, and the patient was generally not asked.

The underlying idea survived. Careful descendants are still performed, rarely, under ethics review and with informed consent: stereotactic cingulotomy and capsulotomy for severe treatment-resistant obsessive-compulsive disorder and depression, targeted to the millimetre with imaging. Deep brain stimulation is the modern relative. What was abandoned was doing it blind, at volume, on people who could not refuse.

Same question, nine answers

The contradictions become visible once the answers are in the same columns.

WhoReal knowledge isIt comes fromIt is for
Platoc. 375 BCE grasping the things that never change, such as what justice itself is. Beliefs about particular changing things count as opinion, however true argument that keeps digging out its own assumptions until it reaches a starting point needing nothing under it seeing what makes everything else make sense, which is the qualification for governing
The Greeksvia Schadewaldt know-how that can also say why it works. Knowing a remedy works is less than knowing why it works generalising from many particular cases, and tying the result to theory finishing the jobs nature leaves unfinished, using nature's own forces to do it
Bacon1620 knowing a cause well enough to produce the effect on demand. If you cannot make it happen, you did not understand it organised experiment by many people, after four predictable distortions have been cleared out of the mind works: medicine, machines, food, and relief of the human condition
Comte1830s laws, meaning reliable statements of what regularly follows what. Causes and purposes are dropped as unanswerable observation guided by theory, reached only after a society passes through religious and then abstract explanations prediction, and eventually a science of society that would end political chaos
Rousseau1752 he grants that the sciences are real knowledge and declines to argue about it not his question nothing good, if the effect on a nation is to put cleverness in the place of virtue
Vienna Circle1929 statements that could be checked against experience, plus the truths of logic and maths, which carry no information and are indispensable what is immediately given to the senses, run through logical analysis one unified science, and the disposal of questions that only look like questions
Lynn White1971 he asks a historian's question about where a method came from attitudes. A culture where God is imagined as an engineer, work counts as worship, and making things is serious his claim is that the West's technical lead grew out of those attitudes, and could have failed to happen
Foucault1975 for knowledge about people, whatever the institution records: the file, the register, the examination. Knowing you and managing you are one operation institutions that sort, observe and write down people: prisons, schools, clinics, workshops governing people, by making them watch themselves
Dennett1994 whatever passes the tests, whatever the thing is made of and wherever it came from capacity that can be demonstrated and judged from outside deciding who counts as a mind, which is a question still being answered
A grid of the nine authors of week one against the three questions every one of them answers: what real knowledge is, where it comes from, and what it is for. REAL KNOWLEDGE IS IT COMES FROM IT IS FOR WHO THE GREEK SETTLEMENT the ranking attacked after 1600 Plato c. 375 BCE what neverchanges argument thatdigs out itsassumptions qualifyingto govern the Greeks Schadewaldt know-how thatsays why many cases,tied to theory finishing whatnature left THE METHOD GETS BUILT one position hardening Bacon 1620 a cause youcan reproduce organisedexperiment works:medicine,machines, food Comte 1830s laws of whatfollows what observationguided bytheory prediction,then a scienceof society Vienna Circle 1929 statements youcan check the senses,run throughlogic one unifiedscience THREE OBJECTIONS TO IT none disputes the facts Rousseau 1752 moral granted withno argument not hisquestion nothing good,if a nationprizes talkover conduct Lynn White 1971 historical where a methodcame from attitudes: Godas an engineer showing itmight neverhave happened Foucault 1975 political what the filerecords institutionsthat recordpeople governing,by makingpeople watchthemselves STILL OPEN in a laboratory, right now Dennett 1994 whateverpasses thetests capacityjudged fromoutside deciding whocounts asa mind
The spine of the week. All nine answer the same three questions and no two answer alike. Read down a column for how far apart they stand on one question, across a row for one author's whole position. The nine are grouped by the job each does in the quarrel, so the dates run out of sequence. A faint answer marks a cell where the author declines the question as asked, and the arrow carries the three objections back to the team they are aimed at.

The argument as a conversation

In this order it reads as one continuous quarrel, each turn answering the last. The dates are the gaps between replies.

Platoc. 375 BCE

Making things is not knowing things. Craftsmen and mathematicians do useful work, and they build on assumptions they never examine, so strictly they are only dreaming about what is real. Real knowing is argument that digs out its own foundations.

The Greeks generallyas reported by Schadewaldt

Careful. Making already contains knowing. A craftsman who only knows that something works has mere experience; one with technē knows why it works. And technique completes what nature left unfinished. Nature is never a stock of raw material lying around.

Bacon2,000 years later

You have it exactly backwards. If you cannot produce the effect, you never understood the cause. Knowledge and power are the same thing. Two millennia of contemplation produced nothing. Start again: purge the mind of its four built-in distortions, then experiment systematically, in organised institutions.

Rousseau130 years after Bacon

Granted, all of it: the sciences are magnificent, the inventions are useful, and I agree wholeheartedly. Now tell me they made anyone better. They made people clever, and cleverness is a cheaper way to stand out than goodness, so a nation that learns to prize talk stops prizing conduct.

Comte80 years after Rousseau

Sentiment, and beside the point. Look at the pattern. Every branch of knowledge passes through a theological stage, then a metaphysical one, and arrives at the positive. We are at the end of that road. Stop demanding to know why anything exists and settle for laws that hold.

Vienna Circle90 years after Comte

Agreed, and we will make it a rule with teeth. A sentence that cannot in principle be checked against experience is meaningless. That disposes of most of what philosophers have ever said, Plato very much included. Two kinds of statement survive: facts about the world, and the empty truths of logic and mathematics.

Lynn White40 years later

As a historian, may I point out that this universal method of yours has a postcode. I can tell you which culture produced it, roughly when, and which beliefs about God, work and time made it thinkable there while richer and better-educated societies next door never got near it. It could easily never have happened.

Foucaultfour years after White

Worse than that. When the object of knowledge is people, the instruments of knowing and the instruments of controlling are the same instruments. The register, the file, the daily roll call, the examination: each one is simultaneously how you find out about someone and how you manage them. You cannot separate the two and then ask which came first.

Dennett20 years later

And the question is still open, right now, in a laboratory. Here is a robot. On what grounds exactly do you rule out that it knows anything, or is anyone? If your only reason is where it came from, that is chauvinism about origins.

The shape is worth noticing. Bacon, Comte and the Vienna Circle form one team, getting narrower and more confident across three centuries. Rousseau, White and Foucault raise three different kinds of objection to that team: moral, historical and political. None of the three disputes the team's facts. All three change what the question is about. Weeks 3 to 13 of the course live on that side.

The nine texts across 2,400 years, from Plato to Dennett 1600 1700 1800 1900 Plato c. 375 BCE the Greek settlement the rest argue with it about 2,000 years nothing in the packet written in 1959, about the Greek words ONE TEAM BUILDS THE METHOD Bacon 1620 knowledge is power Comte 1830 laws that hold Vienna Circle 1929 must be checkable Schadewaldt 1959 two radio lectures THREE OBJECTIONS Rousseau 1752 the moral objection Lynn White 1971 the historical objection Foucault 1975 the political objection Dennett 1994 asks it again, of a robot
The nine texts on one scale, with everything after 1600 drawn century by century. Plato is alone at one end, and the other eight fall inside four centuries, five of them inside sixty-five years. The filled squares mark the three who build the method: Bacon in 1620, Comte in 1830, the Vienna Circle in 1929. The open circles mark the three objections to it: Rousseau on moral grounds in 1752, Lynn White on historical grounds in 1971, Foucault on political grounds four years after White. Schadewaldt and Dennett are marked on the axis itself, outside both groups. The dashed line follows Schadewaldt's 1959 lectures back to the Greek words they recover, a reach of about 2,300 years.

The nine texts

Each one narrates the argument in full, then places it in the quarrel, then adds the world around it. The "for the curious" blocks are marked, so you can stop at the line if Monday is close.

CH 1On Dialectic and Technē

Plato, from the Republic. Athens, c. 375 BCE
Read properly8 pp text · 2 pp notes
pdf pp. 2 to 11 of 98 · text 2 to 9, endnotes 10 to 11 · book pp. 9 to 18

Is knowing how to make something the same kind of knowing as knowing what is true?

The story

People have been chained in a cave since childhood, facing a blank wall, unable to turn their heads. Behind and above them a fire burns. Between the fire and their backs runs a low walkway with a screen along it, like the screen a puppeteer works behind. People walk that path carrying carved figures of humans and animals, held up above the screen.

An engraving of a cave interior: a flame burns in a vessel hung on a chain at the centre, a line of costumed figures carries statues, torches and trumpets along the top of a high wall that cuts the cave in two, their shadows fall across the rock face at the right, a dense crowd sits packed below the wall facing those shadows, and a group of robed scholars stands apart on the left under a bright opening to the daylight.
Antrum Platonicum, engraved by Jan Saenredam in 1604 after a design by Cornelis van Haarlem. The flame on its chain is the fire, the long wall is the screen the bearers walk behind, the personifications along its top are the objects they carry, and the crowd below the wall sees only the shadows thrown on the rock at the right. Rijksmuseum, CC0, via Wikimedia Commons.

The prisoners see the shadows those figures throw on the wall in front of them, and they hear the carriers' voices bounce back off the wall. They have never seen anything else. So they take the shadows for the things themselves, and when an echo arrives they assume the shadow is speaking.

A cut through Plato's cave, showing the fire, the walkway and its screen, the carried figures, the shadow they throw on the wall, the chained prisoners facing it, and the passage climbing out to the sun. THE SHADOWS thrown on the blank wall THE CARRIED FIGURES carved humans and animals INSIDE THE CAVE · THE VISIBLE WORLD THE WAY UP rough and steep, and he is dragged OUTSIDE, THE SUN what Plato calls the Form of the Good, the cause of everything correct and beautiful THE WALL blank, and all they ever see THE PRISONERS chained since childhood, unable to turn their heads THE SCREEN a low wall, like the one a puppeteer works behind THE WALKWAY they walk along it carrying the figures THE FIRE which stands for the sun
The cave in section. The fire burns above and behind the prisoners, the carved figures are held up above the screen, and the firelight passing them throws a shadow on the wall. Light below the top of the screen is blocked, so the people carrying the figures cast nothing and the prisoners have no way of knowing they are there. The shaded wedge holds everything a prisoner has ever been able to name.

The cave has a society. The prisoners give each other honours, praises and prizes for three skills: recognising a shadow fastest, remembering the order the shadows usually come in, and predicting which one comes next. They call that last one divining the future, and the best forecaster holds the most power.

One prisoner is freed, and every stage of it hurts.

  1. He is made to stand and turn toward the fire. His neck aches, the light dazzles him, and the carved figures look blurry and less real than the sharp shadows he knows. Told he is now nearer to real things, he does not believe it.
  2. He is dragged up a rough, steep slope into daylight, and outside he can see nothing at all at first.
  3. His eyes adapt in order: shadows on the ground, then reflections in water, then the objects themselves, then the night sky and the moon, and last of all the sun.
  4. Looking at the sun he works out that it governs the seasons and the year and is in some way the cause of everything he ever saw, the fire and the shadows included.

Now he understands the shadow game from outside, and understands it as a game. He pities the men still down there and says he would rather endure anything than go back to competing for their prizes. Plato has him quote Homer here. In the Odyssey, the ghost of Achilles tells Odysseus that he would rather be alive as a hired hand working for a landless man, the lowest position there was, than reign as king over all the dead. Plato borrows the line to say the freed man would accept any humiliation before going back to the prizes.

What the parts stand for

Plato spells the allegory out himself, so none of this is guesswork.

  • The cave is the visible world, the ordinary one you walk around in.
  • The firelight is the sun.
  • The climb out is the mind rising to what Plato calls the intelligible realm, meaning the things you grasp by thinking and never by looking.
  • The sun outside is what Plato calls the Form of the Good. He says it is the last thing to be seen and the hardest, and that it is the cause of everything correct and beautiful.

Which makes it an argument about education

Notice that the man's eyes worked the whole time, so nothing was added to him. What changed is the direction he was facing.

So Plato concludes that education cannot be putting knowledge into a mind that lacks it, the way you might put sight into blind eyes. The power to learn is already in everybody. The problem is where it points, and since an eye cannot turn on its own, the whole body has to turn with it. Education is the craft of turning the whole soul around. That is why the story is full of pain and force: turning hurts, and nobody does it voluntarily.

What counts as knowing, and what counts as opinion

Two words carry the rest of the argument, and they are worth having in plain English.

  • Becoming covers everything that changes: this horse, this just act, your body, today's weather. Things that come to be, alter and perish.
  • Being covers what stays fixed: what a horse is, what justice is. Plato calls these Forms.

His claim is that you cannot strictly know something that has already changed by the time you have hold of it. So beliefs about changing things are opinion, however true and however useful, and only thinking about the fixed things counts as knowledge.

He then splits each half again, which gives four rungs. This is Plato's ranking, and it is the thing the other eight authors in the packet are arguing with.

better able to justify its own starting point 4 · Knowledge, or dialectic argument that digs out its own assumptions 3 · Thought mathematics. Reasons correctly from axioms it never questions 2 · Belief physical things, and every craft. The shipwright is here 1 · Imaging shadows and reflections, taken for the real thing INTELLECT about being: what never changes OPINION about becoming: what changes and perishes
Plato's ranking. Craft knowledge (technē) sits on rung 2, below mathematics, because a craftsman deals with changing physical things and cannot justify his own standards. The whole packet after 1600 is an argument about whether rung 2 belongs down there.

Why the crafts and mathematics fall short

A geometer proves his results correctly. He also helps himself to definitions and postulates he never examines, and if you ask what makes them true he has nothing to say. He is reasoning well from a foundation he has never looked at. That is why Plato says the mathematical sciences only dream about what is real.

The same goes for a craftsman. A shipwright builds a good ship and cannot tell you what "good" is. Plato's word for this practical, productive know-how is technē, and his complaint about it is precise: it works, and it cannot give an account of itself.

He is not dismissing it. He says the crafts and the mathematical studies are exactly what start the turn, because they pull the soul away from things it can touch. They are the hand on the arm. Dialectic is where the arm is going. That ranking is what every later author in the packet is arguing with.

Example · why Plato's complaint is not a dead one

A machine-learning system trained to spot skin cancer in photographs can outperform dermatologists and cannot say what it is keying on. When researchers looked, several such systems turned out to be partly reading the rulers and skin markings that clinicians place beside lesions they already suspect are malignant. The system had learned that a photograph containing a ruler is a photograph of cancer.

It knew that, with high accuracy, and it had no account of why. So it worked beautifully on the images it was trained on and failed on a photograph taken by a patient at home. That is Plato's objection to technē, reappearing in a hospital 2,400 years later, with the same consequence: a skill that cannot justify its own standards has no way to notice when the standards stop applying.

The return: laughter for one thing, killing for another

Plato imagines the man going back down, and describes two different reactions to two different acts. They are easy to run together and they are not the same.

If he comes back and talks, they laugh at him. His eyes are used to daylight, so in the dark he is worse at the shadow game than men who never left, and he loses to them. Plato says the prisoners would conclude that going up ruined his eyesight, and that the journey is not worth attempting. Plato also pictures him forced to argue in the law courts about what he calls the shadows of justice, against people who have never seen justice itself, where he performs badly and looks ridiculous.

If he tries to unchain them, they kill him. Plato's sentence is specifically about anyone who tried to free them and lead them upward, which is a different act from talking. Three things make it lethal. The cave's honours, and the power that comes with them, exist because the shadow game is treated as the real thing. A man unchaining people is dismantling the basis of everyone's standing, and above all the standing of whoever is currently winning. He is simultaneously, by their own measure, incompetent, since he cannot see. And he is taking away the one thing the prisoners have. Plato did not invent the reaction. Athens had executed his teacher Socrates about twenty years before he wrote this.

Why the city forces him to go back down

Here is the context that makes the question make sense. The cave appears in a book whose subject is the design of a just city, and at this moment in the conversation Socrates and Glaucon are inventing one from scratch. Glaucon objects that the philosopher would be happier left in the sunlight, so forcing him back down looks like an injustice done to him.

Socrates answers that it is not unjust, and gives two reasons. Both are answers to why compel him.

  1. The city made him, so the city may use him. In an ordinary city a philosopher appears by accident. The constitution did not plan him, pay for him or want him, so he owes it nothing and may keep out of public life with a clear conscience. In the city they are designing he was picked out as a child, educated at public expense and put through the entire ascent deliberately, for this purpose. What grows by itself owes nothing for its upbringing. What was cultivated does. Plato adds that the law was never trying to make any one group outstandingly happy: its job is to hold the city together, and that sometimes means using people.
  2. He is the only person who can safely be given power. Anyone who wants to rule wants it for what it gives him, and a city where rivals all want it tears itself apart in the fighting. The safe ruler is the one who would rather be doing something else. The man who has seen daylight is exactly that person, and he is also the only one who can tell a real image from a fake, which is the skill governing actually needs. So the city must have him, and since he does not want the job, it must compel him.

Which means the man who goes back into the cave is the philosopher-king. The return is not an epilogue to the story about enlightenment. It is a description of what governing feels like from the inside. You come back down to people who are better than you at a contest you now think is meaningless. You are laughed at, you lose that contest, and you are in some danger from the people you are trying to help. Plato's answer is that he has to do it anyway, and that a city run by anyone else is worse.

Who attacks the placement, and how

  • Bacon turns it upside down. For him, being able to build the ship is the only proof that anybody understood anything. So the craftsman moves from the bottom of the ladder to the top, and the contemplative philosopher becomes the man who produced nothing in two thousand years.
  • Comte keeps Plato's appetite for certainty and gives up on his subject matter. Asking what a thing really is, which is Plato's whole project, belongs for Comte to an earlier and outgrown stage of the human mind. What survives is the reliable statement of what follows what.
  • The Vienna Circle go further and rule the question out. A sentence about what justice itself is, with no observation that could settle it, is not a hard question on their account. It is a sentence with no content, and Plato is the named example.
  • Rousseau leaves the ladder alone entirely and asks a different question: whether any rung of it makes a person better. His answer is that a nation which gets good at the top rungs gets worse at being decent, so the ranking sorts the wrong thing.
  • Lynn White asks where a ranking like that comes from. A culture that puts contemplation above making will build differently from one that treats work as worship, and he claims that difference is visible in what medieval Europe built and its neighbours did not.
  • Foucault asks what a ranking does. Deciding which kind of knowing counts is also deciding whose knowing counts, and therefore who is fit to govern whom, which for him is what the whole apparatus was ever for.

If you keep one thingA shipwright knows that this hull shape works. Ask why that counts as a good ship and he says it sails well. Ask what makes sailing well good and he has nothing. The geometer one rung up is in the same position: he proves theorems correctly from axioms, and he cannot say what makes the axioms true. Plato's test for real knowledge is whether you can defend every step including the first one, and that is why he puts making and doing near the bottom. The rest of the packet attacks that placement.

My notePlato's ranking is the four rungs in the diagram above: making and doing sit near the bottom, mathematics above them, philosophy at the top. Every other author here attacks that ordering, and none of them attacks the cave. Hold the ranking in your head and the other eight readings arrange themselves around it.
For the curiousnone of this is on the exam
There was no such place as Ancient Greece

There was no Greek country, government, army or capital. There were a few hundred independent city-states, poleis, each with its own laws, calendar, coins, dialect and gods, frequently at war with one another. Athens and Sparta spent twenty-seven years destroying each other in the Peloponnesian War, from 431 to 404 BCE, which Athens lost about five years before Plato was born into the losing side. A country called Greece appears in the 1830s. "Ancient Greek philosophy" is a label we invented for a shelf.

Plato never once tells you what he thinks

Everything he wrote is a dialogue: a script, with characters, jokes, interruptions and people losing their tempers. He never appears. In most of them the person doing the arguing is Socrates, and the Republic is narrated by Socrates in the first person. So the cave is not Plato explaining a theory. It is a character telling a story to a man called Glaucon, who happens to be Plato's own brother.

Socrates wrote nothing. Not a word.

Everything anyone knows about him comes from three other people:

  • Plato, who idolised him.
  • Xenophon, a soldier, who found him sensible and a little dull.
  • Aristophanes, who put him in a comedy called The Clouds in 423 BCE, dangling in a basket and teaching young men to argue their way out of paying debts.

The three portraits do not match. Scholars call the resulting mess "the Socratic problem", and argue about how much of "Socrates" in the later dialogues is Plato using a beloved dead man as a puppet.

What "corrupting the young" actually meant

In 399 BCE, aged about seventy, Socrates was tried before a jury of 500 Athenian citizens on two formal charges. Impiety, meaning failing to recognise the gods the city recognised and introducing new divinities. And corrupting the young. Both were real offences, and both could carry death.

Corrupting the young meant teaching young men to cross-examine their elders and treat received wisdom as an open question. Socrates ran no school, charged no fees and taught no doctrine. What he did was stop people in public, ask them to define something they claimed to understand, and show that they could not. Most of his audience were young aristocrats, and he did this to their fathers in front of them.

Was the trial reasonable? Half of it was.

The case against him was real. Athens had just lost a twenty-seven-year war. In 404 the victorious Spartans installed an oligarchy, the Thirty, which killed something like 1,500 citizens in eight months before democracy was restored. Its leader was Critias, who had been in Socrates' circle. So had Charmides, another of the Thirty. So had Alcibiades, the brilliant general who changed sides to Sparta mid-war and then to Persia. Socrates was also openly contemptuous of the Athenian practice of choosing officials by lottery, and said you would never pick a ship's pilot or a doctor that way. To an Athenian juror in 399, this was a man who had taught a generation of rich young men to despise the city's institutions, and whose most famous students had betrayed the city and murdered its citizens.

The case for him is also real. He did not choose his students' politics, and holding a teacher responsible for what grown men do decades later is a stretch. He stayed in Athens under the Thirty and defied them: ordered to help arrest a man named Leon of Salamis, he simply went home, which could easily have killed him. He had earlier defied the democracy too, refusing to put an illegal mass trial of generals to a vote when he happened to be presiding. He obeyed neither regime.

And the charge was a substitute. When democracy came back in 403 an amnesty made it illegal to prosecute anyone for acts committed under the Thirty. Athens could not put Socrates on trial for his friends, so it put him on trial for impiety. Most historians read the trial as a political settling of accounts conducted through a religious charge, in a city traumatised by defeat and civil war.

The death sentence was partly his own doing. He was convicted by a modest margin, roughly 280 to 220. Athenian trials then had a second stage where each side proposed a penalty and the jury picked one. Exile was available and would probably have been accepted. Socrates proposed that the city give him free dinners for life, then offered a token fine which his friends raised to a serious one. The jury voted for death by a wider margin than it had voted to convict.

The prizes in the cave are real

They are in the text at 516c: honours, praises and prizes for the prisoner who was sharpest at identifying the shadows, best remembered the order they came in, and could therefore best divine the future. Plato invented the shadow-forecasting status contest, complete with power going to the best forecaster, and then said the man who has seen daylight would not want the prize.

Does Plato think people are born greedy? No, and he says so three lines earlier

The famous passage about leaden weights dragging the soul downward is at 519a, and the objection to it is answered just above it, on the same page of the PDF (p. 4). Three moves.

First, the other so-called virtues of the soul are not there beforehand but are added later by habit and practice. Character is installed. Second, the capacity for reason itself never loses its power, and is useful or harmful depending on the way it is turned. Third, and this is the striking one: look, he says, at people who are vicious but clever. Their sight is not inferior. It is keen, and it distinguishes sharply. It has been forced to serve bad ends, so the sharper it sees, the more harm it does.

That is one good instrument pointed in a bad direction, which matches the view that there is no inherent badness and that values get taught. Notice the grammar of the leaden weights too. They are things that have been fastened to the soul by feasting and greed. Attached.

The word behind "greed" in the Republic is usually pleonexia, wanting more than your share. Read it as a direction of attention. Appetite fixes you on things that can be consumed, things that can be consumed are things that change and perish, and attention spent on what perishes is attention unavailable for what does not. It is closer to mechanics than to scolding. Plato goes further elsewhere: nobody does wrong willingly, because wrongdoing is ignorance, and people chase what they take to be good while being mistaken about what is good.

The crack worth pointing at in class, because he is not consistent. The same book sorts citizens into classes by nature, with a founding myth about souls made of gold, silver and bronze. Later books divide the soul into parts, reason and spirit and appetite, that genuinely fight each other, which makes appetite something inside you and not a weight hung on you. So "installed or native?" is a live fault line running through the Republic, and naming it is worth more than agreeing with him. It is the same fault line the rest of the course prises open: how much of what looks like a person's nature is their situation.

"Plato" is a nickname, and possibly a joke about his shoulders

It means "broad". Ancient biographers, writing centuries later and not reliable, say a wrestling coach gave it to him for his build, or that it referred to his forehead or his prose style, and that his real name was Aristocles. Treat it as gossip, of the kind that survives 2,400 years.

He tried the philosopher-king thing for real, and it went badly

Plato made three trips to Syracuse in Sicily to turn its rulers into philosophers. The first ended, according to ancient sources, with him sold into slavery and ransomed by a friend who recognised him at a slave market. He went back twice more to tutor the young tyrant Dionysius II, was placed under house arrest, and eventually left having achieved the political education of a man who remained a tyrant.

Your university is named after a park

Around 387 BCE Plato founded a school in an olive grove outside Athens, sacred to a local hero named Akademos. The place was called the Academy, the school took the name of the place, and every academy, academic and academia since is named after a patch of trees belonging to a mythical Athenian. The school kept running under a long line of later heads until the emperor Justinian closed the philosophical schools in 529 CE, roughly nine hundred years.

The chapter the scan skips

The PDF jumps from anthology page 18 to page 25. Missing in between is chapter 2, Aristotle, who was Plato's student for twenty years and disagreed with him about almost everything. In particular he thought studying changeable, material, made things was perfectly respectable. His absence is why the packet seems to leap straight from Athens to the seventeenth century.

CH 3The Greek Concepts of "Nature" and "Technique"

Wolfgang Schadewaldt, German classicist. Two radio lectures, 1959
Read properly6 pp text · 2 pp notesmissing from the lecture plan
pdf pp. 12 to 19 of 98 · text 12 to 17, endnotes 18 to 19 · book pp. 25 to 32

What did the Greeks mean by physis and technē, and how far is that from what we mean by "nature" and "technology"?

Why this text is in the reading at all

The other eight authors argue about method. This one looks like a dictionary entry, and it is here for two reasons.

The practical reason. The whole argument in this reading runs on two Greek words, physis and technē, which English translates as "nature" and "technology". Both translations are wrong enough to make Plato and Aristotle unreadable. Schadewaldt recovers what the words actually did.

The reason it is an argument and not a glossary. His claim is that the Greek way of joining those two words made it impossible to think about technology the way we now do, and that their version showed something ours hides: where technique stops. The essay ends by saying the Greeks already knew that technical power puts a person at a fork between good and evil, and that this is still our problem. So the payoff is a claim about us.

First word: physis, which we translate as "nature"

Physis is the ancient Greek word that comes into English as "nature". That is the whole connection between the two words, and it is where the trouble starts, because the English word carries a picture the Greek one never had. Say "nature" and most people see scenery: a place you go for a walk, trees and animals sitting there being looked at.

Physis points somewhere else. It comes from the verb phyō, meaning to bring forth, put forth, make grow, and the Greeks used it for a tree putting out leaves and for animals putting out hair, wings and horns. The -sis ending turns a verb into a process word, the way English turns "grow" into "growing". So physis names a growing, an activity, a coming-to-pass. It is a verb wearing a noun's clothes, and it never means a collection of objects.

Aristotle turns it into a definition: physis is whatever has the source of its own motion inside itself. A tree grows on its own. A chair does not, because somebody has to make a chair. So the Greek line between nature and everything else is drawn by asking one question: where does the push come from?

PHYSIS what we call nature a tree the push comes from inside it TECHNĒ making a maker a chair the push comes from outside it
The one question the Greeks asked to tell nature from everything else. The difference is not what the thing is made of. Wood makes both a tree and a chair. The difference is that the tree started itself and the chair had to be started by somebody.

Second word: technē, which we translate as "technique"

Technē means the knowledge a maker has. It covers everything a person does on purpose to produce a result: building a ship, setting a broken arm, navigating by stars, playing a flute, farming. It is a kind of knowing, and not a kind of doing, which is the part that surprises people.
English takes technology, technique, technical and technician from it

Two things to fix before going on, because both trip people up.

It is wider than our "technology". We hear the word and think of machines and devices. Technē covers medicine, seamanship, music and cookery as readily as carpentry. Anything with a skill and a product.

It is narrower than our "skill". A knack does not qualify. Technē is skill plus a grasp of what you are working with, and the next few paragraphs are about exactly that second half.

What separates it from plain experience

Experience and technē both come out of repetition, so that is not the difference. The text is explicit: technē is a knowledge and ability that has come about by habit, and has passed into flesh and blood. Doing the thing many times is where both of them begin.

What separates them is whether a correct grasp of the thing itself travels with the skill. Here is the definition in the text, which is worth having word for word, because it is the sentence the whole distinction rests on.

Technē is expressly defined as a knowledge and ability which has come about by habit, i.e. has passed into flesh and blood, and which is directed to a producing, but in connection with a clear course of reasoning concerning the thing itself, which the man of mere experience does not have in view.
Schadewaldt, pdf p. 16

In plain words: technē is a skill you picked up by doing something over and over until it became automatic, which you use to make something, and which comes with a correct understanding of what you are working on. The person who only has experience has the first two and is missing the third.

Taking the phrases one at a time:

  • "come about by habit, passed into flesh and blood" means you learned it by repetition until your hands do it without being told. Muscle memory.
  • "directed to a producing" means it makes something. It has an output in the world.
  • "in connection with a clear course of reasoning concerning the thing itself" means you can also follow a line of thought about what the thing you are working on actually is.
  • "which the man of mere experience does not have in view" means the person with experience alone cannot do that last part, and would not know where to start.

So experience knows the that. Technē knows the why.

Which gives three states a skilled person can be in. They are states of the person holding the knowledge, and not grades of the knowledge sitting on its own.

The stateCan they produce the result?What they understand about the thingThe text's example
empeiríaexperienceyesnothing. They know only that it workschicken settles a weak stomach, and that is all I know
technēcraft knowledgeyesa correct account. They know whychicken is a light food, and this stomach is weak because…
atechníablunderyesa false accountrich and varied skill built on a wrong idea of the thing

So the test is not how much explanation your century can supply. A doctor with a scanner and a doctor in 1600 can each have technē, as long as each holds a correct account of what they are treating, and either can have atechnía if their account is wrong. This is why the three words describe a knower and not a level of scientific progress.

How can a rich and varied skill sit on top of a wrong idea? Easily, and the history of medicine is mostly made of it.

Example · the lobotomy

Walter Freeman's skill was genuine. He could complete the operation in about ten minutes, he did roughly 3,500 of them, and he trained others. Rich and varied, by any measure. His idea of what he was doing was that mental illness consists of thought patterns physically stuck in the fibres connecting the frontal lobes, so cutting the fibres would break the pattern. That idea was wrong.

Watch where the wrongness surfaces. The skill kept working, in the sense that the operation kept being performed successfully and patients kept becoming calm. What the false idea destroyed was the ability to tell a good outcome from a bad one. If you believe you are releasing a stuck pattern, a patient who has stopped objecting to anything looks like a success. Atechnía exactly: the hands were right and the account was wrong, so nothing could correct the hands.

Example · bloodletting

For about two thousand years European physicians opened veins to treat almost everything, and they were skilled at it: which vein, how much, what time of day, in what order. The idea underneath was that the body holds four fluids and illness is an imbalance between them, so you remove the surplus. The four fluids do not exist.

In December 1799 George Washington woke with a throat infection. Over about twelve hours his doctors removed somewhere near two and a half litres of his blood, roughly a third to a half of what a person has. He died that night. Every hand in the room was expert, and the thing they were expert at was based on nothing.

So the Greeks counted atechnía as a fault for two reasons, and both are visible in those cases. The false account is what you reason from the moment a case is unfamiliar, so it fails you exactly when understanding is the only thing that would help. And it cannot be handed on in any form that survives you, because what you would be handing on is wrong.

One level above all three sits epistēmē, theoretical knowledge: knowledge of what never changes, such as the fact that the angles of a triangle add to two right angles. It produces nothing, and Greek thought ranked it highest. Technē leans toward it, which is the whole of its dignity.

How technē relates to nature: it copies, and it finishes

First, technē imitates nature. Building a house and growing a tree have the same shape: out of some material, by some agency, a form gets realised. The only difference is where the push comes from. In nature the form unfolds by itself. In making, the finished form exists first in somebody's head, so the work runs plan, then design, then construction, then choice of materials, and only then the building itself.

Second, technē completes what nature cannot finish. Nature left alone goes one way and repeats itself, while what people need varies as much as people do. So technique invents devices that turn nature's own forces to human purposes. The example the essay gives is the lever, which lets a person shift a load far heavier than themselves. In the line Schadewaldt quotes from a tragic poet, by technique we master the things we are subject to by nature.

Those two pull against each other, and the Greeks held both. Technique works the way nature works, and it exists to get nature to do things it would never do on its own.

What the Greeks could therefore never think

Because they kept technique tied to theoretical knowledge, two moves were closed to them.

One: technique could never set its own goals

On the Greek picture, technique is answerable to knowledge of how things actually are. So the question should we make this gets settled by facts outside the technique: what the thing is for, and what nature will and will not allow. Technique on its own has no way to answer it.

Can it now? That is exactly Schadewaldt's charge, and his answer is yes. Once technique is cut loose from the requirement to understand, the only test left is whether it works. And "does it work" is a question technique can put to itself, with nobody else in the room. He means independence in that sense: an activity that grades its own homework.

Example · an activity that grades its own homework

A recommendation system is judged on whether people keep watching. That measure sits entirely inside the system. It needs no theory of what a person is, what attention is for, or what a good week looks like. So the technique can be improved for a decade straight without anyone ever having to answer a question that comes from outside it. The engineers can say with a straight face that they did excellent work the whole time.

Compare the Greek shape. A lever is judged by whether it moves the load, and also by what a load is, what a person can safely carry and what the job was for. Those last three come from outside the lever.

Two: nature could never become a warehouse

Go back to the definition. Physis is whatever starts its own motion, which means nature is something that is doing something. A forest, on that picture, is a process in the middle of running. Technique joins in and finishes what the process could not finish alone.

Here is why that blocks the warehouse idea. To treat a forest as a stock of timber, you first have to stop seeing something that is going somewhere and start seeing a quantity that is sitting there. You have to subtract the motion. The Greek word has the motion built into it, so in Greek that subtraction cannot be performed: physis means the growing, and a thing that is growing is not a pile.

Our word does the subtraction before the argument starts. Say "natural resources" and the motion is already gone, because "resources" names a quantity available for use.

Why any of that matters

How you describe a thing decides what counts as a reasonable way to treat it. If a forest is a process you are joining, then felling it is interrupting something, and you owe an account of why the interruption is worth it. If a forest is a stock of timber, then felling it is using it, and no account is owed, because using a stock is what a stock is for.

Schadewaldt's charge is that nobody ever won that argument. There was no debate in which one side proved that nature is a stock and the other side conceded. The vocabulary changed, and the conclusion came with it, and by the time anyone thought to ask the question the words available for asking it already contained the answer.

Which is why he says the Greek concept matters now. It is a version of the same words in which the question is still open, so having it gives you somewhere to stand outside your own vocabulary. Every argument about climate, land and extraction is conducted in the language of resources, and this chapter is about how that language got there.

Both of those moves are modern, and his point is that somebody had to make them. They are positions that were arrived at, and this is the sentence to carry into class.

One complication worth holding on to, because it cuts against Plato. In Plato's own dialogues, Socrates goes round Athens looking for someone who genuinely knows something, is disappointed by the politicians and the poets, and finds real knowledge among the craftsmen. His one complaint about them is that knowing one thing properly made them think they could judge everything. So the culture that produced Plato's ranking also produced the observation that makers were the only people in the city who knew anything.

The ending: the Greeks already knew technique was dangerous

The essay closes on two Greek plays, and the closing is the point of the whole chapter. The essay assumes you know both stories, so here they are.

ContextThe Prometheus story

In the play by Aeschylus, Prometheus is a Titan, one of the older generation of gods. He steals fire from the gods' hearth and gives it to human beings, and in Greek writing fire of this kind stands for technical skill in general. What it does for people is enormous: it takes them out of a cave existence and, in the play's words, makes them free. What it costs is that it had to be stolen, and Prometheus is chained to a rock for the rest of time as the price. The founding story of human technique in Greek literature is a story about a crime that was worth committing.

ContextThe Antigone chorus

Sophocles' play Antigone is about a woman who buries her brother against the king's orders. Partway through, the chorus, a group of townspeople who comment on the action, stops the story and sings a famous song about human beings in general. The song turns on one word, deinos. Its noun form, deinótēs, literally means "terribleness", and Greek keeps two senses inside it at once: ability, and monstrous or uncanny power. The language gives you no way to take one without the other, so calling a person deinos praises and warns in the same breath.

The chorus lists what this terrible ability has done. It made human beings master of land and sea. It let them set up states and cultures. It even let them take up arms against death, meaning medicine. And then the line the whole essay is built toward: because man holds in his hand, through the inventiveness of technique, something clever beyond expectation, he stands where the path forks toward good and evil.

Schadewaldt thinks Sophocles got it exactly right, 2,400 years early. The problem he means is this. The better human tools get, the more good a person can do with them and the more harm a person can do with them, and the tools themselves say nothing about which of the two anybody will choose. A sharper knife cuts bread better and cuts people better. That is still our situation, which is why a play about a burial dispute ends up in a course about scientific method.

Why that is the point of the chapter. Tying technique to understanding, and to a nature that has its own way of going, is what lets you see technique's limits as well as its powers. The essay's last words are that technique becomes a great human power through its correctly conceived use, and the Greek concept is offered as what makes a correct conception available.

Two different failures, worth keeping apart

It is easy to run these together, and they are not the same thing.

  • Atechnía is a wrong account. You have a theory of what you are doing and it is false. Bloodletting and the lobotomy are this. Old, and the Greeks had a word for it because it was familiar to them too.
  • The modern move is no account, and no account required. The technique is not held to any theory of what it is working on, because the field's own standard of success does not ask for one.
Example · what "no account required" looks like

A/B testing. Show half the users a blue button and half a green one, keep the one that gets more clicks. Nobody in the process is required to have any theory of colour, attention or people, and the method explicitly does not care. It is not a wrong theory, which would be atechnía. It is a working procedure with the theory slot removed.

Deep learning. A model that predicts protein folding or diagnoses a scan can outperform every expert while nobody, including the people who built it, can state what it has learned. The field's tests are accuracy on held-out data. A demand to explain the mechanism is a separate research problem, and a system that fails it is still shipped.

Neither of those is a scandal by its own lights, and that is the whole of Schadewaldt's point. The Greeks had no room for a technique that answers to nothing outside itself. We built our best ones that way on purpose.

If you keep one thingFor the Greeks, technique completes nature and stays answerable to knowledge of how things are. For the moderns, technique commands nature and answers only to whether it worked. Everything else in this reading is about that switch.

My noteSix pages, and they make the other eight readings easier to follow, so the time comes back. The professor did not name it on the lecture slide, which probably means the lecture will use Plato and Aristotle for the ancient material. Read it anyway and you will understand the Greek terms when they appear.
For the curiousnone of this is on the exam
You already speak most of this essay

Technē gave English technology, technique, technical, technician. Physis gave physics, physiology, physician, physique. Mēchanē gave machine, mechanism, mechanical, and machination when a contrivance is sinister. Órganon originally meant nothing but "tool". From Plato onward the Greeks applied it to the parts of the body. That is why the things inside you are called organs, why living systems are "organic", and why a working whole is an "organism". Your liver is, etymologically, a device.

"Merely mechanical" is an insult with a history

The essay traces it. Mēchanē meant a contrivance. After Newton, "mechanical" became the word for how the universe works and carried enormous prestige. Then "merely mechanical" turned into a term of abuse, meaning unconscious, indifferent, routine, and it settled as the opposite of "organic". The same root gave us the highest compliment a seventeenth-century natural philosopher could pay and the thing you call a job you hate.

The Greeks admired their engineers in writing

Homer spends dozens of lines on Hephaestus forging a shield for Achilles, describing the metalwork as closely as the battle it is made for, and has Odysseus build his own boat plank by plank on camera. Herodotus, writing history, keeps stopping to marvel at engineering: a canal cut through the Athos peninsula, a bridge of boats across the Hellespont, an aqueduct tunnel on Samos. Making things was a thing a serious writer wrote about.

The Greeks built a computer and then nobody built another for 1,400 years

In 1901 sponge divers found a wrecked ship off the island of Antikythera. Among the cargo was a corroded lump of bronze containing at least thirty interlocking gears. The Antikythera mechanism, built around 100 BCE, modelled the movements of the sun and moon, tracked the lunar calendar and predicted eclipses, using a differential gear train. Nothing of comparable mechanical complexity is known in Europe again until the astronomical clocks of the fourteenth century, which is the period Lynn White writes about eight chapters later in this reading.

A roughly square slab of corroded bronze, mottled pale green over dark grey, held upright in a museum case by clear plastic supports, with a large wheel of four spokes and the rims of smaller toothed wheels showing through the crust.
Fragment A of the Antikythera mechanism, National Archaeological Museum, Athens. The four-spoked wheel filling the upper half is one of at least thirty interlocking bronze gears cut around 100 BCE, and a device of that precision could only come out of a craft tradition doing real engineering. Photograph by Logg Tandy, CC BY 4.0, via Wikimedia Commons.
The tunnel Herodotus brags about is still there

An engineer named Eupalinos cut the aqueduct tunnel on Samos around 550 BCE, straight through a mountain, starting from both ends at once. The two crews met in the middle with an error of a few metres, using geometry and sightlines. It carried water for a thousand years and you can walk part of it today. Hero of Alexandria later built a spinning steam-powered ball, the aeolipile, which was a working steam engine and was treated as a curiosity.

So why no Greek industrial revolution?

A genuinely open question and a good essay topic. The most-repeated answer is slavery: with abundant forced labour, nobody needed labour-saving machines. That has been heavily criticised as too tidy. Schadewaldt's answer is the one this course cares about. The Greeks were perfectly capable, and in their picture of the world technique existed to complete nature, so scaling it up against nature was not an idea anybody was reaching for.

Why an obscure classicist is in a philosophy anthology

Because Martin Heidegger's "The Question Concerning Technology" (1954) is the most-cited essay in the field, and this is the philological work standing behind it. Schadewaldt was Heidegger's colleague at Freiburg. The awkward footnote: as a faculty dean, Schadewaldt was involved in Heidegger's election as rector in 1933, the year Heidegger joined the Nazi party and gave the speech that has hung over his reputation ever since. They fell out later. The founding text of philosophy of technology has a compromised address, and people in the field argue about what that does and does not mean.

It was radio

The two halves of this essay were broadcast as lectures on North German Radio, on 25 June and 10 July 1959. That is why it opens by saying these concepts press on public consciousness with particular urgency at the present time. He was talking to listeners at home, fourteen years after the war and two years after Sputnik.

CH 4On the Idols, the Scientific Study of Nature, and the Reformation of Education

Francis Bacon, from Novum Organum, 1620
Read properly13 pp text · notes at section ends
pdf pp. 20 to 33 of 98 · text 20 to 32, endnotes 33 · book pp. 33 to 46

What systematically stops human beings from seeing nature as it is, and what would you have to rebuild to fix it?

What Bacon thought had gone wrong

By 1620 the learned world had been arguing about Aristotle for roughly nineteen centuries and had produced, by Bacon's reckoning, almost nothing anyone could use. Meanwhile three inventions had reshaped the world, the compass, gunpowder and printing, and all three had been stumbled on by people whose names nobody recorded.

His diagnosis is that knowledge had been organised as a debating competition, in which the winner is whoever argues most skilfully from what everyone already accepts. A contest like that can never produce anything new, because it only rearranges existing beliefs. He calls his book the Novum Organum, the new instrument, as a direct replacement for Aristotle's works on logic, which were called the Organon.

An engraved page showing two tall classical columns standing in the sea, a sailing ship passing between them into open water with a second ship small on the horizon beyond, the Latin title lettered in the sky above and the date 1620 at the foot.
The engraved title page of Bacon’s Instauratio Magna, London, 1620, the volume that carries Novum Organum. The two columns are the Pillars of Hercules, which marked the edge of the ancient world, and Bacon has a ship sail straight between them into open sea under the motto cut along the foot of the plate: many shall pass through and knowledge shall be increased. The first page of the book puts the chapter’s thesis in a picture before the reader reaches a word of it. Engraved by Simon van de Passe, from the Huntington Library copy. Public domain, via Wikimedia Commons.

"Knowledge and power are the same thing" is a claim about what understanding is

He is not saying knowledge turns out to be useful. He is saying that knowing the cause of a thing just is knowing what would have to be arranged for it to happen. The understanding and the recipe are the same item.

Turn that round and you get a test: arrange the conditions, and if the effect does not follow, you had not identified the cause. Which is why he says the failures of technology come from ignorance of causes, and why he says nature is commanded only by being obeyed. You get your way with the world by finding out how it already works and then setting up those conditions on purpose.

Objection worth raisingKnowing how is not the same as being able

Physicists understood nuclear fission years before anybody could split an atom at scale. Understanding it did not hand them uranium, centrifuges or a reactor. So knowledge and capability clearly do come apart, and Bacon's claim looks too strong.

What he can answer. His claim is about what understanding consists in, and not about whether you happen to own the equipment. Knowing the cause tells you what would have to be arranged. Whether you can afford to arrange it is a separate question about money and materials. And the fission case cuts his way in the end. The argument about whether the physics was right was settled in December 1942, when the conditions were finally arranged under a Chicago squash court and the pile went critical exactly as predicted.

Where the objection really bites. Some things are understood and can never be produced. Nobody will build a star, or rerun the evolution of a species, or arrange a second Ice Age. Bacon's test, taken literally, would throw astronomy out of knowledge, and he was in fact suspicious of astronomy for close to this reason. Modern science kept his idea that intervention is the sharpest test, and added prediction as the test for everything we can only watch. Saying that in a seminar is worth more than agreeing with him.

But the instrument is bent before you start

Bacon's image is that the mind is not a flat mirror. It is an uneven one, so it distorts what it reflects and mixes something of its own into everything. Before any method can work, the distortions have to be identified. He calls them Idols, false images lodged in the understanding, borrowing the Greek eidōlon, a phantom or image, from the same family of words Plato uses for the shadows on the cave wall.

  1. Idols of the Tribe, which come with being human, so everyone has them. The mind sees more order and regularity than is there, and it counts the hits while forgetting the misses. Bacon's own example: a man is shown the temple offerings of sailors who prayed in a storm and survived, and asked whether the gods are not powerful. He replies by asking where the offerings of the men who drowned are kept. Above all, this idol makes us treat human senses as the measure of things. Bacon names his target there: Protagoras, a Greek philosopher of Socrates' generation, whose one surviving famous line is that man is the measure of all things. Bacon says the measure is in the world, and human senses are a poor instrument for reading it.
  2. Idols of the Cave, the private cave each person carries. Temperament, upbringing, the books you happened to read, the teacher you admire, whether you are drawn to differences or to similarities. He quotes Heraclitus, an early Greek philosopher, to the effect that people look for knowledge in their own small worlds and not in the world everyone shares.
  3. Idols of the Market-place, which he thinks are the worst. Words take their meanings from ordinary trade and conversation, so they are fixed to how things look to ordinary people going about their business. A badly made word then forces bad thinking on everyone who uses it. You cannot escape by defining your terms, because definitions are made of more words.
  4. Idols of the Theatre, the philosophical systems people inherit. He calls them stage-plays: complete, tidy, internally consistent invented worlds, performed for an audience that mistakes them for the world.
Example · all four Idols, working today

Tribe. A drug trial with disappointing results is far less likely to be written up and published than a trial that worked. So the published record on a drug gets built out of its successes, and a doctor reading that record is looking at Bacon's temple offerings: the survivors are on the wall and the drowned are not. It is called publication bias, and two cases show what it costs.

Reboxetine, an antidepressant. German researchers went after the unpublished trial data in 2010 and found that roughly three quarters of the patient data had never been published. On the published trials the drug worked. On all the trials together it did not beat a dummy pill, and it caused more people to drop out from side effects. Doctors had been prescribing it for years on a record made of the trials that came out well.

Oseltamivir, sold as Tamiflu. Governments spent billions stockpiling it against pandemic flu. Cochrane reviewers spent four years forcing the full study reports out of the manufacturer. The 2014 review found it shortened symptoms by about half a day, with no good evidence that it reduced hospital admissions or complications. Reducing those was the reason for buying it.

Cave. A specialist who has spent twenty years in one hospital treating one population ends up taking that population's normal for everyone's. Most reference values in medicine were established on young white men. So heart attacks in women were described for decades as presenting "atypically", and women were sent home from emergency rooms with symptoms that were typical of women and unfamiliar to the doctor.

Market-place. In ordinary speech a theory is a hunch. In science a theory is a tested framework that has survived attempts to break it. Entire public arguments about evolution and about climate run on the gap between those two meanings, with neither side lying. The word does the damage, which is exactly Bacon's claim.

Theatre. The models used to price mortgage-backed securities before 2008 assumed that house prices in different American regions would not all fall at once, because they never had. The model was coherent, elegant, taught in universities and performed with confidence. It was a stage-play, and millions of people arranged their lives around the performance.

The cure is induction, and his version is not the usual one

The induction people already practised was: notice a few cases, jump to a general rule. Bacon says that is a machine for producing confident nonsense. His version is deliberately slow.

  • Build organised tables of instances. Cases where the thing is present, cases where it is absent in otherwise similar circumstances, and cases where it varies in degree.
  • Use the negatives to eliminate. The absences do the work, because they rule candidate causes out. This is the part earlier induction had no use for.
  • Climb in small steps. Move from particulars to the lowest general statements, then upward gradually. The old habit was to leap to the highest axioms and deduce back down.
  • Design experiments to answer a question. He separates discoveries that merely happened, which he calls chance, from discoveries that were hunted deliberately, which he calls experiment. Converting the first into the second is the whole programme.

And it has to be institutional, because no individual can do this in a lifetime. Bacon wants the universities rebuilt around apparatus, shared written records, and a division of labour between the people who gather instances and the people who reason from them.

If you keep one thingKnowledge is power, once the mind has been disciplined out of its own defaults.

My noteThe four Idols are the most examinable item in the packet. Learn the names in order with one example each. Being able to say that Idol #3 is the ancestor of the Vienna Circle's whole project is worth more than any summary.
For the curiousnone of this is on the exam
The man who invented modern science was fired for bribery

Bacon was Lord Chancellor of England, the most senior legal office in the country. In 1621, one year after publishing the book you are reading, he was impeached on twenty-three counts of taking bribes from litigants. He confessed, was fined £40,000, briefly imprisoned in the Tower, banned from office and from coming near the court. He spent his remaining five years writing. A good deal of the modern scientific programme was drafted by a disgraced politician with nothing else to do.

He may have been killed by a chicken

The story comes from the gossip-collector John Aubrey. In March 1626 Bacon was travelling in snow, wondered whether cold would preserve meat, stopped the coach, bought a hen and stuffed it with snow by the roadside. He caught a chill, was taken to a nearby house, put in a damp bed and died of pneumonia a few days later. It is third-hand and may be nonsense. If true, it is the first recorded death by scientific experiment, suffered by a man who insisted that knowledge means putting nature to the test.

"Idol" is the Greek word for a shadow

Eidōlon: phantom, image, apparition, from the same family of words Plato uses for the shadows on the cave wall. Bacon takes Plato's shadows off the wall and puts them inside your head, where you cannot leave the cave because you are the cave. Whether he intended the joke is unclear. It is a very good line to have ready.

He wrote the first science-fiction research lab, and people built it

New Atlantis (1626) describes a utopian island with a state institution called Salomon's House: teams of specialists, some collecting experiments from abroad, some performing new ones, some compiling results, some drawing conclusions. A research pipeline with a division of labour. In 1660 a group of Englishmen founded the Royal Society and named Bacon as their inspiration. Their motto is Nullius in verba, take nobody's word for it. Peer-reviewed, institutional, collaborative science had to be invented, and this is where it was first written down.

No, he did not write Shakespeare

From the mid-1800s a movement of otherwise respectable people believed Bacon secretly authored the plays, and hunted for ciphers in the First Folio. Mark Twain was sympathetic. It is a wonderful example of Bacon's own Idols of the Cave in action: clever people finding the pattern they went looking for.

CH 6The Nature and Importance of the Positive Philosophy

Auguste Comte, "Lesson One", Cours de philosophie positive, 1830 to 1842
Skim for the one idea13 pp text · 1 p notes
pdf pp. 34 to 47 of 98 · text 34 to 46, endnotes 47 · book pp. 54 to 67

Does knowledge itself have a history, and has it now arrived somewhere final?

The claim, with one question run through it

Comte's claim is that human knowledge has a shape over time, that the shape is the same in every field, and that it has three stages. He calls it the law of three states. Take one question, why does it rain, and push it through all three.

  1. Theological. A being decides it. A god is angry or pleased, and the rain is somebody's will. To explain an event is to name the will behind it. The stage reaches its highest form in monotheism, where one will replaces a crowd of competing gods.
  2. Metaphysical. The gods are replaced by abstract powers with no personality: a force, a principle, a tendency, an essence. It rains because moisture seeks its proper place. Comte's view is that these are the old agents with their faces rubbed off, which makes the stage a bridge and nothing more. It reaches its highest form in a single abstraction, Nature, treated as the source of everything.
  3. Positive. Stop asking who, and stop asking why. Ask what regularly follows what, measure it, and state a law. Air at a given temperature holds a given amount of water, and cooling it forces the surplus to condense. You still cannot say why the universe behaves that way, and Comte's point is that giving up that question is the price of getting reliable answers.

His ideal endpoint is a small number of laws covering as much as possible, the way one statement about gravitation covers a falling apple and an orbiting moon together.

Comte's law of three states drawn as three stacked rows, theological then metaphysical then positive, each row giving what that stage explains things by and how it answers the question why it rains. THE STAGE WHY DOES IT RAIN? IN ONE LIFE 1 · Theological Explains by naming a will. Some being decided it. Highest form: one god in place of many. A god is angry, and the rain is that god's will. childhood The same agents with their faces rubbed off, which makes the stage a bridge and nothing more. 2 · Metaphysical Explains by naming an abstract power with no personality: a force, an essence. Highest form: one abstraction, Nature, treated as the source of everything. Moisture seeks its proper place. youth The who and the why are both given up, and that is the price of a reliable answer. 3 · Positive Explains by stating what regularly follows what, and measuring it. Ideal endpoint: the fewest laws covering the most, one law for apple and moon. Cooling air past its limit forces the surplus to condense. maturity
Comte's law of three states, with one question carried through it. Reading down the first column, the kind of answer changes twice. The first two stages both put something behind the event and call that the cause, a will in the first and a faceless power in the second, which is why Comte gives the metaphysical stage no standing of its own. At the third the question changes: what is left is the measured relation between cooling air and condensation, and the why goes unanswered. The last column is the argument people remember from this chapter, that every person repeats the same sequence between childhood and maturity.
Example · the same three stages, in the history of cholera

Theological. Epidemic disease is a punishment. In 1832, when cholera reached Britain and North America, governments called days of national fasting and prayer, and clergy on both sides of the Atlantic explained the pattern of deaths by the sinfulness of the districts that suffered most. The explanation names a will behind the event, and the response follows from it: repentance.

Metaphysical. By the 1840s the dominant theory was miasma: disease is carried by a corrupting quality in foul air, rising off rotting matter. No god and no person, an abstract power with no face, which is exactly Comte's description of the middle stage.

Watch what that theory tells you to do. If the danger is the smell, the cure is to get the smell away from where people live. London houses at the time drained into cesspits, brick pits under or beside the building, emptied by hand every so often and overflowing in between. They stank, so by the theory they were killing people. Edwin Chadwick and the sanitary reformers campaigned on precisely that, and the slogan of the movement was that all smell is disease.

So in 1848 Parliament and the new sewer commission ordered cesspits closed and house drains connected to the sewers. The sewers had been built to carry rainwater off the streets, and they emptied into the Thames. The water companies drew London's drinking water out of the Thames.

The theory did not merely fail to prevent the epidemic. It produced the change that fed it. Had anyone believed the danger travelled in water, piping the city's waste into the water supply would have been an insane thing to do. Because the danger was believed to travel in air, it looked like sanitation, and in one respect it was: the houses smelled better. Then came the cholera epidemics of 1849 and 1854, and in 1858 a summer hot enough to make the river itself unbearable, which Parliament called the Great Stink and which finally bought Bazalgette his proper sewer system.

Positive. In 1854 the physician John Snow stopped asking what cholera fundamentally is. He mapped where the dead lived against which pump they drew water from, found the deaths clustered on one pump in Broad Street, and had the handle taken off. He could not say what was in the water, because the bacterium was not identified until Robert Koch found it about thirty years later. He had the invariable relation without the essence, and the invariable relation is what stopped people dying.

A street map of Soho in London with a short black bar drawn at every address where somebody died of cholera, the bars sparse at the edges of the sheet and piled several deep in the blocks immediately around the pump marked on Broad Street.
John Snow’s map of the 1854 cholera deaths in Soho, lithographed by C. F. Cheffins for On the Mode of Communication of Cholera. Each black bar is one death at that address and each labelled dot is a public water pump, and the bars pile up several deep around the Broad Street pump while the streets nearest the other pumps carry only a scattering. Anyone looking at the sheet sees the correlation before Snow argues for it, which is what Comte means by a positive science: a law established by recording what happened and where. Public domain, via Wikimedia Commons.

One last twist that makes the point sharper. Bazalgette's sewers, designed by men who still believed in bad air, worked. They worked because carrying waste far downstream of the city removes it from the drinking water as surely as it removes it from the nose. A false theory pointed at a real intervention by accident, which is exactly why Comte thinks the test of the positive stage is the reliable relation and never the story underneath it.

That is Comte's whole claim in one disease: the stage that saved lives is the stage that gave up on asking what the thing really is.

Two arguments that the law is real

The historical one. No science is in the positive stage today that was not metaphysical before it and theological before that, and even the most developed sciences still carry traces of both.

The one people remember. Each of us repeats the sequence individually: a theologian in childhood, a metaphysician in youth, a natural philosopher in maturity. Check your own memory, Comte says, and you will find it there.

The best argument in the text, and the one people skip

Comte asks the obvious objection to himself. If the positive stage runs on observation, why could the mind not have started with observation and skipped the errors?

His answer is a vicious circle. You cannot observe usefully without a theory, because facts with nothing to connect them stay isolated, and he says you would not even be able to remember them. But a theory grounded in observation requires that you have already observed. The first humans were inside that loop with no way out of it.

Theology broke the loop. Its explanations were wrong, and they gave thought something to hold on to and a reason to keep looking. So the earliest error was not a failure of intelligence. It was the only available way in. Which is the move to remember, because it lets Comte agree with Bacon that knowledge rests on observed facts while denying that anybody could have begun there.

The hierarchy of the sciences

Comte orders the sciences by how complex their subject is and how general their laws are: mathematics, astronomy, physics, chemistry, biology, and then the science of society. Each one depends on the ones before it and cannot be done first. Society comes last because it is the most complex and the least general, which is also why it was the last to reach the positive stage. That last science is the one he is really writing the whole course for.

Does this contradict Plato? Yes, deliberately

Plato said the thing that makes knowledge real is being able to say why, and Comte's final stage is the decision to stop asking. They are the two ends of this whole reading, and the cholera case lets you watch the disagreement settle a real question.

First a correction worth making, because the easy version of this is wrong. The people who failed at cholera were not sitting around contemplating. Miasma was a causal theory and they acted on it hard, closing cesspits and rebuilding drains across a city. Their mistake was to let a theory about what the disease is outrank what the numbers said about where it came from. Snow's move was to trust the measured relation over the theory of the essence.

Three levels, and the middle one is where Snow stood
  • Mindless how. "Taking the handle off that pump stopped the deaths in Broad Street." True, useless anywhere else. This is empeiría from the Schadewaldt chapter: knowing only the that.
  • A law. "Cholera deaths track which company supplies your water." This covers streets Snow never visited, predicts new outbreaks, and tells you what to do about them. It is a genuine generalisation with no account of the essence.
  • Knowing what it is. "Cholera is a bacterium, and here is how water carries it." Koch, about thirty years later.

So Comte is not defending mindless how. His positive stage is the middle rung: real explanation, with the question of essence cut out of it. Plato would say the middle rung is still opinion, because it cannot justify its own starting point. Comte would say the middle rung emptied a graveyard and Plato's rung was thirty years away.

Where Plato gets his revenge

Without a theory of what the thing is, you cannot tell a real law from a coincidence. Snow's map did not convince people at the time, and the reason is that the miasma camp had correlations too: cholera really did cluster in poor districts, in low-lying ground, near bad smells. Correlations were available on both sides, and the tie was broken by Koch finding the organism. The essence arrived late and did the deciding.

Two more cases in this guide make the same point. The London sewers built on the false theory worked, so a reliable result does not tell you your reasons were right. And the skin-cancer classifier had a beautiful invariable relation, photograph contains a ruler and therefore malignant, which was entirely fake. Only an account of why catches that one.

The settlement modern science actually reached is neither man's: act on the reliable relation when lives are at stake, keep hunting the mechanism, and never mistake the first for the second.

If you keep one thingKnowledge has stages, and the last one wins by giving up on why and settling for how, reliably.

My noteLongest text here, thinnest per page, no headings, which is what makes it feel endless. Read the first three pages for the three states, find the vicious-circle passage, then skim hard. Do not dismiss him, because he is the opponent the rest of the term argues with.
For the curiousnone of this is on the exam
He founded an actual religion, with priests

Having explained that humanity had outgrown theology, Comte spent his later years building the Religion of Humanity. It had a priesthood, sacraments and prescribed daily prayers to dead great men. Its calendar had thirteen months, named after Moses, Homer, Aristotle, Archimedes, Gutenberg and Descartes among others. Temples were built, and his former followers were appalled. T. H. Huxley called it Catholicism minus Christianity. Comte was entirely serious about all of it.

A national flag carries his slogan

Brazil's flag reads ORDEM E PROGRESSO, order and progress, lifted from Comte's motto: love as the principle, order as the basis, progress as the goal. Brazil's republic was declared in 1889 by officers who held that real knowledge comes only from observation and the sciences built on it, and that religion and philosophical speculation are stages humanity grows out of, a doctrine called positivism, and the country still has functioning Positivist temples, including one in Rio. A French philosopher's homemade religion is stitched into a flag flown at every World Cup.

Two words you use are his

He coined sociology, after first calling it "social physics" and then discovering a Belgian statistician had taken the term. He also coined altruism, from the Italian altrui, "of others", because he thought the language lacked a word for the opposite of egoism.

The breakdown, and Clotilde

In 1826 Comte suffered a severe mental collapse partway through a lecture series, was institutionalised, discharged uncured, and attempted suicide by throwing himself into the Seine. Twenty years later he met Clotilde de Vaux, who died of tuberculosis about a year afterwards. He kept her chair as a shrine, prayed to her memory three times daily for the rest of his life, and rebuilt his philosophy around feeling and altruism. The coldest system in nineteenth-century philosophy was rewritten by grief.

He left psychology out on purpose, and put phrenology in

His hierarchy of sciences has no psychology, and his reason is clever: you cannot observe your own mind in the act of observing, because the observing is the thing you would have to interrupt. So introspection is worthless as a method. What he put in its place was phrenology, reading character and mental faculties off the bumps of the skull, because at least that was external and measurable.

Which brings us back to the problem at the top of this guide. Phrenology was rigorous by the standards of its day: instruments, measurements, numbers, journals, learned societies. It was also the intellectual soil for the skull-measuring racial science of the same decades. The founder of "positive" method chose it because it looked like real observation. That is the course thesis, arriving early.

CH 7On the Sciences and Arts

Jean-Jacques Rousseau, "Final Reply", 1752
Read properly2 pp text · 4 pp notes and references
pdf pp. 48 to 53 of 98 · text 48 to 49, notes and references 50 to 53 · book pp. 68 to 73

Grant that the sciences are genuine achievements. Do they make us better?

What he concedes first, which is why he is hard to dismiss

The sciences are the masterpiece of genius and reason. The spirit of imitation produced the fine arts and experience perfected them. We are indebted to the mechanical arts for a great many useful inventions that genuinely added to the pleasures and conveniences of life. Rousseau says he agrees with all of it wholeheartedly, and he means it.

Then he changes what is being measured: now let us consider all this knowledge in relation to morals.

An engraving: a bearded man wrapped in drapery kneels on a bank of cloud at the upper left and reaches down with a flaming brand to the head of a slender nude youth standing on a low stone block, while at the right a horned satyr with shaggy goat legs recoils with one arm flung up, and a plume of smoke rises behind them.
The frontispiece of Rousseau’s Discourse on the Sciences and Arts, engraved by Jean-Charles Baquoy for the first edition of 1750, the essay the Final Reply defends. Prometheus leans down from the cloud and touches his torch to the head of the figure on the plinth, and the satyr at the right throws up an arm and backs away from the fire. Rousseau explained the plate in print after a critic misread it: the torch is the sciences, made to animate great minds, the satyr is the ordinary man who sees fire for the first time and runs to embrace it, and the Prometheus shouting the warning is Rousseau himself. That is the first step of the argument below drawn as a picture, and the line cut along the foot puts it in six words: Satyre, tu ne le connois pas, satyr, you do not know what it is. Engraved by Jean-Charles Baquoy, from the Bibliothèque nationale de France copy. Public domain, via Wikimedia Commons.

The argument, in three steps

  1. Knowledge is distributed among actual people. If celestial intellects cultivated the sciences, only good would come of it, and the same holds for great men, who are made to guide others. But the vices of ordinary men poison even the most sublime knowledge and make it harmful to nations. The wicked derive a great deal from it. The good derive very little more.
  2. Athens is the proof. If nobody but Socrates had professed philosophy there, the blood of a just man would not be crying out for vengeance against the fatherland of the sciences and arts. The city that produced philosophy killed the one man who had it.
  3. And here is the mechanism, which is the real argument. As a taste for these things spreads through a nation, the nation loses its taste for solid virtues, because it costs less to distinguish yourself by talk than by good conduct. Once a man can be excused from being good provided he is pleasant, everybody takes the cheaper route. Learning produces politeness, politeness spreads taste and style, and all of it is at best the supplement of virtue. It will never be virtue.

If you keep one thingProgress in knowledge and progress in virtue are two different curves, and Rousseau thinks they point in opposite directions.

My noteTwo pages. Read it straight after Bacon and Comte, and the contrast is obvious without you looking for it.
For the curiousnone of this is on the exam
The whole thing started as a magazine competition

In 1749 the Academy of Dijon advertised an essay prize on whether the restoration of the sciences and arts had helped purify morals. Rousseau was thirty-seven, unknown, and scraping a living copying music. He read the advertisement in a newspaper while walking to Vincennes to visit Diderot in prison. He said afterwards that the effect was physical: he was overwhelmed, sat down under a tree, and soaked the front of his shirt with tears without noticing he was crying. He argued the answer was no, won the prize, and became famous overnight. The piece you are reading is the last of his replies to two years of furious rebuttals, one of them from the former King of Poland.

He gave away all five of his children

Rousseau handed each of his five children, as they were born, to the Paris foundling hospital, where infant mortality was catastrophic and the records made tracing them impossible. He later wrote Émile, the most influential book on the education of children in the eighteenth century. Voltaire found out and published the fact anonymously to destroy him. Rousseau spent years trying to explain it and never managed. Whether it should change how you read him is a real question and a fair thing to raise in a seminar.

The most famous falling-out in philosophy

In 1766, with Rousseau's books banned and burned and Rousseau fleeing, David Hume arranged asylum for him in England and found him a house and a pension. Within months Rousseau had convinced himself that Hume was the ringleader of a Europe-wide conspiracy against him. The two men's letters were published and all of literate Europe took sides. Rousseau fled back to France in disguise. Hume was badly shaken and never got over it.

He also wrote a hit opera

Le Devin du village (1752) was performed before Louis XV, who liked it enough to offer a royal pension. Rousseau refused, partly on principle and partly, by his own account, because he was terrified of having to make conversation with the king. He also devised a numerical system of musical notation, wrote most of the music entries for Diderot's Encyclopédie, and earned his living copying scores by hand even at the height of his fame.

CH 9The Scientific Conception of the World: The Vienna Circle

Rudolf Carnap, Hans Hahn and Otto Neurath. Manifesto, Vienna, 1929
Skim for the one idea9 pp text · 1 p notesread §2 (p. 57) and §4 (p. 62)
pdf pp. 54 to 63 of 98 · text 54 to 62, endnotes 63 · book pp. 101 to 110

If a statement cannot be checked against experience, does it mean anything at all?

A sepia studio portrait of a middle-aged man in round rimless spectacles, shown from the chest up in a tweed jacket, white shirt and patterned dark tie, turned slightly away from the camera against a plain backdrop.
Moritz Schlick, photographed in Vienna in March 1927, two years before the manifesto appeared. Schlick held the University of Vienna chair in the philosophy of the inductive sciences, the post Ernst Mach had held before him, and the group that met around him on Thursday evenings in a seminar room on the Boltzmanngasse is what the text means by the Circle. Carnap, Hahn and Neurath wrote the manifesto and dedicated it to him, which puts a professor of philosophy on the first page of a document arguing that his subject holds no truths of its own and survives as the clarification of what the sciences say. Photograph by Georg Fayer, March 1927, from the Austrian National Library picture archive. Public domain, via Wikimedia Commons.

The test, worked through

Take any sentence and ask what would have to be observed for it to come out true, and what would have to be observed for it to come out false. If you can answer, the sentence means something, and its meaning is that set of observations. If you cannot answer even in principle, the sentence is empty and only looks like a statement.

  • "There is a table in the next room." Passes. You can say exactly what you would see on opening the door.
  • "Last night the entire universe doubled in size, rulers included." Fails. Nothing whatever would look different, so there is no observation the sentence is about.
  • "There is a God", "the primary basis of the world is the unconscious". Fail the same way. The Circle's reply to a metaphysician is never "you are wrong". It is "tell me what would count".

So metaphysics is not false. It is meaningless, in the strict sense of having no content. On this account the metaphysician misunderstands himself: he believes his sentences assert something, when analysis shows they express a mood.

Two kinds of legitimate sentence, and only two

  1. Empirical statements. About the world, checkable against experience, and always capable of turning out wrong.
  2. Analytic statements. The truths of logic and mathematics. True because of what the words mean, carrying no information about the world, and indispensable for reorganising what you already know. "All bachelors are unmarried" tells you nothing about how many bachelors there are.

What this kills, which is the heart of the position

Kant had argued for a third category: statements that are informative about the world and knowable in advance of any experience. He called them synthetic a priori, and his examples included the claim that every event has a cause, that space is Euclidean, and that arithmetic tells you something real.

The Circle denies that the category exists, and gives a reason. Every inference is a tautological transformation, meaning the conclusion never contains anything the premises did not already contain. So thinking on its own cannot generate a new fact about the world. That closes the only road by which a philosopher could reach conclusions about reality from an armchair.

Realism and idealism both go the same way. The dispute about whether the external world is "really" out there cannot be settled by any observation, so it is metaphysics. For the Circle, something counts as real by being incorporated into the total structure of experience, and there is nothing further to ask.

Why metaphysics keeps happening anyway

They give two diagnoses, and the first is the one to remember.

  1. Ordinary grammar traps us. Language uses the same part of speech, the noun, for a thing ("apple"), a quality ("hardness"), a relation ("friendship") and a process ("sleep"). That tempts us into assuming every noun names a thing, which manufactures entities out of nothing. Compare Bacon's Idols of the Market-place, three centuries earlier, and the same complaint.
  2. People believe thought can produce knowledge unaided. Which the tautology argument above rules out.
What "thought unaided" actually looks like

That phrase is abstract, so here are the moves it rules out. In each one somebody starts from no observation whatever and ends with a claim about how the world is.

  • The argument that runs from the definition alone, with no appeal to evidence at any point, which is what makes it the ontological argument. God is by definition the greatest conceivable being. Existing is greater than not existing. Therefore God exists. A claim about what there is, produced out of a definition.
  • Descartes. From "I think, therefore I am" he goes on to prove the existence of God, and from God's goodness the existence of an external world. No observation appears anywhere in the chain.
  • Kant. Every event has a cause, and space is Euclidean, both knowable before you look at anything.
  • Praxeology in economics. Ludwig von Mises held that the laws of human action follow from the axiom that people act purposefully, and are therefore not testable against evidence. People still argue that today.

Two objections worth having ready

ObjectionStephen Hawking calculated from an armchair

Hawking radiation was worked out on paper. No experiment, no observation, and it is a claim about black holes. That looks like exactly the road the Circle says does not exist.

The reply is about where the premises came from. Hawking started from general relativity and quantum field theory, and both are empirical theories, built and tested on observation. The calculation reveals what those theories were already committed to. That is what "tautological transformation" means: the content was in the premises and the work made it visible. The word is badly chosen, because it suggests trivial. A chess endgame is fully determined by the rules and still takes a grandmaster to see.

And the case finishes in the Circle's favour. Hawking radiation has never been observed. It is a prediction, and what it does is tell you where to look. If observation came back against it, the theory would be the thing that gave way. The line they draw is between working out what your premises already imply, which is what physics does all day, and getting facts about the world out of premises that came from no experience at all.

ObjectionWhat about astrophysics, where you cannot run an experiment?

Nobody will build a star, collide two galaxies or rerun the Big Bang. If the test of meaning is experience, does astrophysics fail it?

No, and the confusion is between experience and experiment. The Circle asks whether a statement can be checked against observation. An astronomer at a telescope is having experience, and a prediction about a spectrum, an orbit, a transit or a gravitational-wave signal is exactly what their rule was built for. Watching counts.

The one it does trouble is Bacon, whose test is whether you can make the effect happen, which is the objection set out in his chapter. Two different tests: Bacon wants intervention, the Circle wants observability. Astrophysics fails the first and passes the second.

Where it genuinely bites is claims nobody can observe even in principle: what lies inside a black hole past the horizon, the universe beyond the cosmological horizon, other universes in a multiverse. Whether those count as science is a live argument among physicists right now, conducted in almost exactly this vocabulary, ninety years on.

They are not hostile to feeling or to intuition. A mystic may have an experience beyond all concepts, and the Circle does not deny it, and points out that he cannot then talk about it, because talking means capturing it in concepts. Expressing a mood is a real thing worth doing, and the medium for it is art: lyric poetry, or music.

§4, the part people skip and the course cares about

There is no such thing as philosophy as a basic or universal science standing above or alongside the empirical sciences. Philosophy stops being a source of truths and becomes an activity, the clarification of what the sciences say.

And the Circle ties itself openly to social reform: reorganising economic and social relations, reforming schools and education. It reads the revival of metaphysics in its own day as a symptom of social struggle, with one camp holding to traditional forms and another taking its stand on empirical science. A manifesto about meaning turns out to be a manifesto about Vienna in 1929.

If you keep one thingThe hardest possible line on method: a sentence means something only if you can say what observation would settle it. Observation is enough, so watching the sky counts and nobody has to build a star. Anything that passes neither that test nor the empty truths of logic is mood dressed up as knowledge.

My noteSkim §3 entirely. It runs through the foundations of arithmetic, physics, geometry, biology and the social sciences, one subsection each, and none of it is examinable. Read §2 and §4.
For the curiousnone of this is on the exam
The man this manifesto is dedicated to was shot on the university steps

Moritz Schlick, the physicist-philosopher around whom the Circle formed, was murdered on 22 June 1936 on the main staircase of the University of Vienna, on his way to lecture, by a former doctoral student named Johann Nelböck. Sections of the Austrian press treated the killing as understandable, on the grounds that Schlick's philosophy was corrosive and "Jewish". He was not Jewish. Nelböck was convicted and released on parole after the Nazi annexation of Austria in 1938. The Circle was already dispersing, and that finished it.

One of the three authors invented the infographic

Otto Neurath created Isotype, the Vienna Method of pictorial statistics, on the principle that a quantity is shown by repeating a small icon at a fixed size. Every pictogram chart you have ever seen descends from it, and so, fairly directly, do the figures on toilet doors and the running man on fire exits. He built it because he thought a democracy needs citizens who can read social statistics, which is the same manifesto in a different medium.

And he had the most eventful life in the history of logic

Neurath ran economic planning for the Bavarian Soviet Republic during its few weeks of existence in 1919, was tried and imprisoned for it, and was extracted by diplomatic intervention. In 1934 he fled Austria for the Netherlands. In May 1940, with the German army arriving, he escaped across the North Sea to England in an open boat. He was then interned as an enemy alien on the Isle of Man, where he organised lectures for the other internees.

Neurath's boat, the image that sinks the whole project

He wrote that we are like sailors who must rebuild their ship on the open sea, plank by plank, with no chance of putting it in dry dock and starting from the keel. There is no firm ground to build knowledge up from, and you can only replace parts while staying afloat. It is the most beautiful thing anyone in the Circle wrote, and it concedes what the movement was founded to deny, that there are no foundations. Philosophers have been arguing about that boat ever since.

The rule fails its own test

"Only statements verifiable in experience are meaningful." Is that statement verifiable in experience? No. Is it a truth of logic, empty and analytic? Also no. So by its own rule it is meaningless. This is the classic first-year objection, it is a good one, and the movement never fully answered it. Quine's "Two Dogmas of Empiricism" (1951) then attacked the analytic and synthetic distinction from the inside, and logical positivism was over, killed largely by its own people.

Wittgenstein came, and would not join

The Circle revered his Tractatus and read it aloud line by line. He met some of them, then refused to be associated with the group, and by several accounts would at times turn his back on the room and read poetry aloud to them. He thought they had comprehensively misunderstood him. He was probably right.

CH 44Cultural Climates and Technological Advance in the Middle Ages

Lynn White, Jr., Viator, 1971
Skim for the one idea6 pp text · 6 pp notes
pdf pp. 64 to 75 of 98 · text 64 to 69, endnotes 70 to 75 · book pp. 511 to 522

Why did medieval Europe, poorer and cruder than Byzantium, Islam or China, out-invent all of them?

Why this is in a philosophy course at all

Bacon, Comte and the Vienna Circle all talk about the scientific method, as though it were a single thing that was eventually discovered, the way America was. White is a historian, and his contribution is to give that method a birthplace, a date and a set of causes. If the method grew out of one culture's particular beliefs, it could have failed to grow at all, which is the course's thesis arriving from the archive.

The fact to be explained

He opens by admitting that his own earlier book failed. It described the unprecedented technological activity of the medieval West and could not explain it, and he says he was surer of the what than the why. This essay is the second attempt.

The what is large. From the sixth century northern peasants built probably the most productive agricultural system in the world for the human labour spent. The Franks reorganised warfare in the eighth. From about 1000 the West produced labour-saving machinery and new applications of power, and from 1200 it led in ship design. By 1492 Europe had the agriculture, the industry, the weapons and the seamanship to go and take the rest of the planet. White says flatly that the imperial age of 1500 to 1950 was set up by the Middle Ages.

Meanwhile Byzantium, Islam and the Latin West were closely related societies, all built from the same Greek inheritance. Thirteenth-century theologians in Cairo, Constantinople and Paris were all commenting on the same Aristotle. In the time of Thomas Aquinas, labour-saving machinery was little developed in the Near East and concern for invention was slight, while in the West a new kind of engineering was being pursued with something close to passion. So wealth and learning do not explain it, because the others had more of both.

The decisive change: the invention of invention

His answer is that no single machine matters. What changed is that invention became a coherent project, something people deliberately went looking for. Before that it had been a slow accumulation of lucky finds. His evidence is concrete and is the part worth reading:

  • Roger Bacon, around 1260, confidently predicting powered vehicles, submarines and flying machines.
  • A bishop writing on surgery in 1267 that physicians devise some new instrument and some new method every day.
  • The mechanical clock treated as a publicly known unsolved problem, worked at by named technicians from the 1260s to the 1330s, with each of them publishing partial solutions and admitting what remained unsolved.
  • A Dominican preaching in Florence on 23 February 1306, in praise of eyeglasses. Not all the arts have been found, he says, and we shall never see an end of finding them. He adds that he had personally met and talked with the man who invented spectacles.

That last one is the whole thesis in one sermon. Inventing had become a thing a preacher could hold up as a sign of the times.

An open iron frame about waist high standing on a stone cathedral floor, holding two sets of large toothed wheels and a rope drum, with a horizontal bar carrying two flat weights above it, and nowhere on it a dial or a hand.
The Salisbury Cathedral clock, made about 1386 and restored to working order in 1956. The open iron frame holds two gear trains and a rope drum, and it has no dial and no hands, because the machine was built only to release a hammer onto a bell on the hour. White takes a machine of this kind as his evidence for the invention of invention: the bar swinging at the upper left beats at a steady rate, so every hour it counts out is the same length as the one before. Photograph by Rwendland, CC BY-SA 3.0, via Wikimedia Commons.
CompareHarari's empty maps, and why it is a different argument

In Sapiens, Yuval Noah Harari explains the Scientific Revolution as a discovery of ignorance. Earlier traditions assumed the important answers were already known, in scripture or in the ancients. His image is cartography: medieval maps filled unknown regions with imaginary monsters and continents, and from the fifteenth century European maps began leaving the unknown parts blank. A blank is an admission, and it is also an invitation to go and fill it.

It is a near relative of White's argument and it is not the same one. They cover different centuries and different activities.

  • White is explaining roughly 500 to 1400, and he is explaining making things: mills, clocks, ploughs, spectacles. His causes are religious attitudes to work, action and a God who builds.
  • Harari is explaining 1500 onward, and he is explaining inquiry: expeditions, instruments, the alliance of science with empire and money. His cause is an admitted gap in knowledge.

They fit together more than they compete, and White says so himself when he claims the Middle Ages set up the imperial age. What the two share is the shape of the explanation: a change of attitude, and not of wealth or intelligence, is doing the work. Which means they also share the same weakness, the one already flagged in the note above.

The obvious objection, and it is a good one. If admitting ignorance is what produces discovery, what were earlier civilisations doing? Discovering a great deal, is the answer. Chinese paper, printing, gunpowder, the compass and cast iron. Indian decimal place-value and zero. Babylonian eclipse prediction. Greek gearing, in the Antikythera mechanism. And around 1021 Ibn al-Haytham was running controlled experiments on light in Cairo and writing that the seeker after truth should be suspicious of what he reads and attack it from every side, which is institutionalised doubt five centuries before Harari's blank maps.

What Harari can still defend is narrower: the difference is whether ignorance is built into the institutions, with standing machinery for funding, publishing and revising, on the assumption that today's answers are provisional. Earlier discovery was real and mostly was not organised as a permanent programme of admitting error. Saying that, and naming al-Haytham as the case that makes "first to admit ignorance" look Eurocentric, is a strong seminar remark.

Where the appetite came from: three religious habits

  • God as engineer. Western art shows the Creator holding a pair of compasses. Machina mundi, the world-machine, had once been rejected on religious grounds and by the thirteenth century was used approvingly by Latin clerical scientists. Nicole Oresme, who died bishop of Lisieux in 1382, imagined God fitting the heavens with the equivalent of a clock's escapement to stop the spheres accelerating. Once the universe is itself a made mechanism, building mechanisms is a respectable thing for a serious person to do.
  • The Mary and Martha switch. In Luke 10 Martha cooks and serves while Mary sits and listens, and Christ appears to praise Mary. The Greek East read that as ranking contemplation above action, permanently. The West did not. Ambrose said both were necessary and neither superior. Augustine inverted it: since we live in time and not in eternity, we must be Marthas, troubled about many things. By Meister Eckhart's sermons Martha has become the mature sister and Mary the adolescent who has not yet learned that action is essential to holiness. White's claim is that the Greek Church could not have produced such a sermon, and that this mood of activism fed technological growth.
  • The dignity of manual labour. Among the literate classes of the Greco-Roman world, working with your hands was for slaves. Jewish tradition held the command to labour six days as binding as the command to rest on the seventh, and monasticism carried that into Europe as the doctrine that work is worship. So for centuries the most learned men in the West were also men who worked with their hands, in institutions that kept records. Head and hand in one building is a very good recipe for innovation.
A gold-ground manuscript painting of a bearded, haloed figure in a blue robe, leaning forward to set one leg of a large pair of compasses into a round disc holding swirling water, gold landmasses, a red sun and a pale moon.
The frontispiece of the Bible moralisée, painted in France about 1220 to 1230. God bends over the unformed world and sets one leg of a carpenter’s compasses into the disc of water, earth, sun and moon he is drawing. Western art hands the Creator an instrument off a craftsman’s bench here, which is why a medieval reader could treat the design of machines as serious work. Anonymous illuminator, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Codex Vindobonensis 2554, folio 1 verso. Public domain, via Wikimedia Commons.

If you keep one thingTechnology is not driven only by need or genius. It grows where a culture already believes that making things is worth a serious person's time.

My noteHis endnotes are longer than his essay, so ignore them. And have the obvious objection ready, because a seminar will want it: an explanation that accounts for a difference in outcome by a difference in cultural attitude is very flattering to the West and very hard to falsify. Saying that out loud is worth more than agreeing with him.
For the curiousnone of this is on the exam
His other paper is one of the most-cited things ever written by a historian

"The Historical Roots of Our Ecologic Crisis" was published in Science in 1967. It argued that Western Christianity, by making humans distinct from and set over nature, licensed the exploitation of the natural world, and that the ecological crisis was therefore religious at root. It detonated. Decades of theological response followed, an entire field of eco-theology grew out of the argument, and the line of thought runs to Pope Francis's 2015 encyclical on the environment. The essay in your packet is the same causal claim told as a success story.

His most famous claim is probably wrong

White also argued that the stirrup, arriving in Europe in the eighth century, made shock cavalry possible, which made armoured knights necessary, which required the land grants that produced feudalism. One piece of riding equipment generating a social system. It is a thrilling argument and medievalists have been dismantling it since the 1960s. Useful for calibration: he is a brilliant, bold historian whose boldness sometimes runs past the evidence, and the essay you are reading has the same quality.

The mechanical clock changed what an hour is

Before it, an hour was one-twelfth of the time between sunrise and sunset. A summer hour in Paris was genuinely longer than a winter hour, and water clocks and sundials had to be adjusted through the year.

Equal hours exist because a machine could only be built to count them that way. A gear train ticks at one rate. It has no way to know that the days are getting shorter. So the machine imposed its own regularity, and the regularity spread outward: monasteries rang bells by it, then towns hung clocks in their squares, then work was paid by it.

Nothing here was a loss, and something did change. Before clocks, work was measured by the task: plough the field, finish the batch, and the day ended when the thing was done. Equal hours made time countable, and a countable thing can be bought and sold. Wages by the hour, the shift, the timetable, and the idea of being late all follow from a machine that had no way of doing it differently.

Which turns White's argument round and points it at you. His whole essay is about culture producing technology. This is the same relationship running the other way: a constraint in some thirteenth-century gearing became the shape of the working day, and it still is.

Things that are more medieval than you would think

All of these arrive in medieval Europe:

  • Eyeglasses, from the 1280s, and the mechanical clock.
  • The blast furnace, the spinning wheel and the wheelbarrow.
  • Buttons as fasteners, and the horse collar, which let a horse pull a load without strangling itself.
  • The crank, which sounds trivial and is the device that converts rotation into back-and-forth motion, so it underlies almost every machine since.
  • Distilled spirits, and at the far end, printing with movable type in the 1450s.

CH 49Consciousness in Human and Robot Minds

Daniel C. Dennett, 1994
Last, if time7 pp text · 2 pp referencesslide says "if we have time"
pdf pp. 76 to 84 of 98 · text 76 to 82, references 83 to 84 · book pp. 588 to 596

Is there any principled reason a robot could not be conscious, or only practical ones?

What he is doing, and why it belongs in this packet

Dennett takes the reasons people give for saying machine consciousness is impossible and separates the ones that state a principle from the ones that state a practical difficulty. His claim is that all of them turn out to be practical. The exercise matters for this course because it is the same operation the whole term performs: somebody is being excluded from the category of knowers, and the question is what the grounds are.

Objection one: dualism

Dualism says the mind is made of a different kind of stuff from the body. Dennett's reply is that nothing coherent can be said about the place where the two meet. If the mind is non-physical, then every time it moves your arm something non-physical pushes something physical, which breaks the physics, and no dualist has ever managed to describe that transaction. An argument that leads to an absurdity like this is called a reductio, short for reduction to absurdity. He adds a diagnosis: dualism would never have been taken seriously without a strong undercurrent of desire to protect the mind from science by making it out of a stuff science cannot investigate.

Objection two: consciousness needs an organic brain

He looks for the respectable version of this. The crude version is vitalism, the nineteenth-century claim that living matter contains a special life-force that non-living matter lacks. Vitalism is dead, because biochemistry took the compounds living things are made of and showed that their powers come from ordinary chemistry, which means those powers could in principle be reproduced in other materials.

What survives is an engineering worry: perhaps the sheer speed and compactness of biochemical processes in the brain cannot be matched in any other medium. Dennett makes this concrete by imagining conscious-robot-building as a sporting event with officials and rules. If one team wants artificially constructed organic polymer "muscles" because electric motors make too much noise for the robot's artificial ears, is that cheating? If muscles are allowed, what about organic rods and cones in the retina in place of clumsy colour-TV cameras? His verdict: no serious scientific or philosophical thesis depends on the robot being protein-free.

Objection three, the interesting one: robots are artefacts

The claim is that consciousness abhors an artefact, and only something born could really be conscious. Dennett gives the underlying creed a name, origin essentialism. Only wine made under the direction of the actual proprietors counts as that estate's wine. Only a canvas every blotch of which was caused by Cezanne's hand is a genuine Cezanne. Only someone with the right blood counts as really belonging to a people.

He concedes that such distinctions can be perfectly respectable, and defensible in court, so long as they are understood as protections of rights growing out of historical processes. A wine appellation protects a region's producers. An attribution protects an artist's estate.

Taken instead as claims about intrinsic properties, marking a real difference between two things nobody can tell apart, they are pernicious nonsense, and that version he names origin chauvinism. A perfect imitation is exactly as good a wine as the original, counterfeit though it is.

Then the positive half: Cog

Cog was a humanoid robot then being built at MIT, and Dennett was working with the team. The design principle was that intelligence needs a body and constant contact with the world, and that a machine should learn by interacting with people, and should never be handed a model of the world in advance. Which is why the chapter is full of hardware detail: noisy motors, artificial ears, artificial retinas. The philosophy is being argued through the engineering constraints.

A metal upper-body robot inside a museum display case: a small head with camera lenses on top, a skeletal aluminium torso wrapped in coiled blue and purple tubing, two jointed arms reaching forward, all mounted on a grey pedestal with thick bundles of cable running down to the floor.
Cog, the humanoid robot built by Rodney Brooks’s group at MIT between 1993 and 2004, now in the MIT Museum. Cog ends at the waist and is bolted to a plinth, with cameras for eyes and springs in the arm joints, so a hand pushing a limb meets the spring and the arm gives way. Dennett argues through this hardware when he says a mind has to learn through a body that people can touch and hand things to. Photograph by Daderot, CC0 public domain dedication, via Wikimedia Commons.

If you keep one thing"Origin chauvinism". Most objections to machine minds turn out to be objections to where the thing came from.

My noteThe easiest reading here by a distance. Save it for when you are tired.
For the curiousnone of this is on the exam
Cog is in a museum now

It never became conscious. It learned to track faces, reach for objects and respond to sound. The project wound down in the early 2000s, and Cog is now in the MIT Museum: a torso with a head and two arms, looking exactly like an optimistic decade. Worth knowing while you read Dennett being confident about it.

The robot's designer invented the Roomba

Cog was Rodney Brooks's project. Brooks argued that intelligence needs a body, cheap reflexes and constant contact with reality, and does not need a model of the world. He co-founded iRobot, and that principle went commercial as a disc that bumps into your furniture until it has learned the room. The philosophical line from "can a machine be conscious" reaches, so far, your floor.

Origin chauvinism went to court, and the forger had to prove he was a forger

Han van Meegeren spent years painting fake Vermeers so convincing that the greatest Dutch art experts authenticated them. In 1945 he was arrested for selling a Dutch national treasure to Hermann Göring, which carried a possible death sentence for collaboration. His only defence was that the painting was worthless because he had painted it himself. Nobody believed him, so he was given canvas and pigments and painted another "Vermeer" under guard. The same object was admired as a masterpiece one year and filed as a curiosity the next, with the paint unchanged and only the story of its origin different. That is Dennett's point, with a prison cell attached.

The objection you will meet next

John Searle's Chinese Room (1980). Imagine yourself locked in a room with a rulebook, receiving Chinese characters through a slot and passing back other characters exactly as the book instructs. To everyone outside you appear to understand Chinese. You understand nothing. Searle says that is all a computer ever does, syntax with no semantics. Dennett has spent decades arguing the thought experiment cheats. It is the standard counterweight to everything in this chapter.

He died in 2024

Daniel Dennett, one of the four writers the press called the New Atheists, spent fifty years insisting that consciousness is not magic and that the feeling of an inner theatre is something the brain does. He died in April 2024. This chapter is now a historical document from the middle of his career, written while the robot in it was still being built.

CH 54Panopticism

Michel Foucault, from Discipline and Punish, 1975
Set for week 311 pp text · 3 pp notes and references

This chapter is bound into the same PDF and it is set for the following week. The Brightspace module lists Panopticism under week 3, alongside the Kuhn chapter, so the whole of it is narrated in the week 3 guide and the glossary for it lives there too.

He stays in the comparison table and the diagram above, because those are a map of the packet and he is the ninth voice in the quarrel. What he argues, in full, is one link away.

An engraved sheet in two parts: at the top a five-storey prison wall cut open to show cells stacked around the outer ring facing a tower in the middle, and below a half-circle floor plan with single cells lettered along the outer wall and dividing walls running inward to concentric rings at the centre.
The building the chapter is about: Bentham's panopticon, drawn by Willey Reveley in 1791. Cells around the outside, each lit from behind so a prisoner reads as a dark shape, and an inspector's lodge in the middle screened so that nobody in a cell can tell whether it is occupied. Public domain, via Wikimedia Commons.

If you keep one thingThe point of Foucault's tower is that you cannot tell whether anyone is watching, so you do the watching for them. The argument behind that line is in the week 3 guide.

Glossary

Every term in this guide, defined53 of them

Platoch. 1

technē
Craft knowledge. Plato's word for practical, productive know-how, which he says works without being able to give an account of itself.
dialectic
Argument that dismantles its own hypotheses and works back to a starting point needing nothing under it. For Plato, the only thing that counts as knowledge in the strict sense.
becoming
Everything that changes: this horse, this just act, your body, today's weather. Things that come to be, alter and perish.
being
What stays fixed: what a horse is, what justice is. Plato calls these Forms.
opinion
Belief about changing things. True or useful opinion is still opinion, because what changes cannot be known in Plato's strict sense.
intellect
Thinking about the things that do not change. The top half of the divided line.
the divided line
Plato's four rungs, low to high: imaging, belief, thought, knowledge. The bottom two are opinion, the top two intellect.
the Form of the Good
The sun outside the cave. Last and hardest to see, and the cause of everything correct and beautiful.
pleonexia
Wanting more than your share. The word behind "greed" in the Republic, read best as a direction of attention toward what can be consumed.
philosopher-king
The claim that a city should be governed by the people least eager to govern, because anyone who wants power wants it for themselves.

Schadewaldtch. 3

physis
The Greek word English translates as "nature". It names a process, a growing, and never a set of objects. Aristotle: whatever has the source of its own motion inside itself.
technē
The knowledge a maker has. Covers medicine, seamanship, music and carpentry alike. Skill made automatic by habit, aimed at producing something, with a correct account of the thing itself.
empeiría
Experience. You know that something works because you have seen it work, and you have no account of why.
epistēmē
Theoretical knowledge of what never changes, mathematics being the model. It produces nothing and Greek thought ranked it highest.
atechnía
Productive skill resting on a false idea of the thing itself. Translated as blunder. Bloodletting and the lobotomy are the examples.
týchē
Chance, happy coincidence. Aristotle quotes a poet saying technē loves happy chance and happy chance loves technē.
mēchanē
A contrivance. English machine, mechanism, mechanical and machination come from it.
órganon
Originally a tool. From Plato onward applied to the parts of the body, which is why they are called organs.
deinótēs
From Sophocles. Literally "terribleness", holding ability and monstrous power in one word, with no way to take one without the other.

Baconch. 4

Idols
False images lodged in the understanding. From the Greek eidōlon, phantom, the same family of words Plato uses for the shadows on the cave wall.
Idols of the Tribe
Built into the species. We see more order than there is, count the hits and forget the misses, and treat human senses as the measure of things.
Idols of the Cave
The private den each person has: temperament, upbringing, what you read, whom you admire.
Idols of the Market-place
From language. Words take their meanings from ordinary trade and talk, so bad words force bad thinking, and definitions cannot escape it because they are made of more words. Bacon thinks these are the worst.
Idols of the Theatre
Inherited philosophical systems, which he calls stage-plays: tidy invented worlds performed for an audience that mistakes them for the world.
true induction
Tables of presence, absence and degree; eliminate causes using the negative cases; climb in small steps toward general statements.
Novum Organum
"The new instrument", 1620, named as a replacement for Aristotle's works on logic, which were called the Organon.
Salomon's House
The state research institute in Bacon's New Atlantis, with a division of labour between the people who gather experiments and the people who reason from them.

Comtech. 6

law of three states
Every branch of knowledge passes through theological, then metaphysical, then positive.
theological state
Explanation names a will behind the event. Peaks in monotheism.
metaphysical state
The wills are replaced by abstract forces with no personality. Peaks in one entity, Nature. Transitional only.
positive state
Causes and purposes abandoned as unanswerable. Asks only for laws, meaning invariable relations of succession and resemblance.
the vicious circle
You cannot observe usefully without a theory, and cannot have a grounded theory without observing. Theology broke the deadlock by giving thought something to hold.
hierarchy of the sciences
Mathematics, astronomy, physics, chemistry, biology, sociology. Rising complexity, falling generality, each depending on the ones before.
sociology
The science of society. Comte coined the word, after first calling it social physics.

Rousseauch. 7

the Final Reply
The last of Rousseau's answers to two years of rebuttals of his prize-winning discourse, which is why it is so compressed.
the supplement of virtue
His name for politeness, taste and style: things learning produces that stand in for goodness and never become it.

The Vienna Circlech. 9

verification
A sentence means something only if you can say what observations would make it true or false. Its meaning is that set of observations.
meaningless
Their verdict on metaphysics. Not false, and not unproven. Empty of content, so it only looks like a statement.
empirical statement
About the world, checkable against experience, always capable of turning out wrong.
analytic statement
The truths of logic and mathematics. True because of what the words mean, carrying no information about the world.
synthetic a priori
Kant's third category: claims both informative about the world and knowable before any experience. The Circle denies the category exists.
tautological transformation
Their description of all inference. The conclusion never contains anything the premises did not, so thinking alone cannot produce a new fact.
logical analysis
The method: take a statement apart to see whether anything in it can be cashed out in experience.
unified science
The goal: one body of knowledge with no separate philosophical province standing above it.
Isotype
Otto Neurath's pictorial statistics, where a quantity is shown by repeating a small icon at a fixed size. The ancestor of every pictogram chart.

Lynn Whitech. 44

the invention of invention
Invention becoming a deliberate, coherent project in medieval Europe. Everywhere else it stayed a slow accumulation of lucky finds.
machina mundi
The world-machine. Once rejected on religious grounds, and used approvingly by thirteenth-century Latin clerical scientists.
the Mary and Martha switch
The Greek East read Luke 10 as ranking contemplation above action. The West inverted it, and by Eckhart's sermons Martha is the mature sister.

Dennettch. 49

dualism
The claim that mind is made of a different kind of stuff from body. Dennett's objection is that nothing coherent can be said about where the two meet.
vitalism
The nineteenth-century claim that living matter contains a special life-force. Dead, because biochemistry showed those powers come out of ordinary chemistry.
origin essentialism
Treating where a thing came from as part of what it is. Respectable when understood as protecting rights that grew out of a history.
origin chauvinism
The same belief taken as a claim about intrinsic properties, marking a real difference between two things nobody can tell apart. Dennett calls this pernicious nonsense.
Cog
The humanoid robot at MIT, designed to learn by having a body and interacting with people.

Read it in three sessions

Order matters more than speed, because each session is one stage of the quarrel and the disagreements do the remembering for you. Skip the "for the curious" blocks on a first pass and come back to them.

Session onepp. 12 to 19, then 2 to 11≈ 55 min

The Greek settlement

Schadewaldt first, despite being chapter 3, because he hands you physis and technē, the words Plato is using. Then Plato. You come out with the ranking that everyone after 1600 attacks.

Session twopp. 20 to 63≈ 85 min

The method gets built, and attacked before it is finished

Bacon, Comte, Rousseau, Vienna Circle, in that order. Bacon and Comte and the Circle are one position hardening over three centuries, and dropping Rousseau into the middle of them is what makes his objection register.

Session threepp. 64 to 84≈ 80 min

The method turns out to have an address

White, then Dennett. Chapter 54 is bound in after Dennett and is set for the following week, so leave Foucault for then and read him against Kuhn, which is how the course pairs them.

Where this goes. These nine texts are one week of thirteen. The rest of the term is the argument they set up:
Week 3
Kuhn and scientific revolutions: paradigms, and science that does not accumulate smoothly
Week 4
The social construction of scientific knowledge
Weeks 5 to 7
Feminist epistemology and standpoint theory; science, gender and the body · Exam 1, Wed 7 Oct, 30%
Weeks 8 to 9
Feminist philosophy of disability; embodiment and the social model · Exam 2, Wed 11 Nov, 30%
Weeks 10 to 12
Animal minds, human and non-human
Week 13
Review and exam prep · Final, 40%, date set by the Registrar
Source. Week 1, Intro to History of PHILOSOPHY OF TECHNOLOGY.pdf, 98 pages, scanned from Robert C. Scharff and Val Dusek (eds.), Philosophy of Technology: The Technological Condition, An Anthology, 2nd ed., Wiley-Blackwell 2014, chapters 1, 3, 4, 6, 7, 9, 44, 49 and 54. Lecture contents, dates and course thesis from the PHI2394-B00 course outline and first-class slides on Brightspace.
Lecture notes